- telemea cheese (cow, goat)
Preparation time: less than 15 minutes
RECIPE PREPARATION Summer cube:
Cut the tomatoes, cucumbers and cheese into cubes as accurately as possible and place them one on top of the other 3 by 3.
Ernesto Guevara was born to Ernesto Guevara Lynch and Celia de la Serna y Llosa, on June 14, 1928,  in Rosario, Argentina. Although the legal name on his birth certificate was "Ernesto Guevara", his name sometimes appears with "de la Serna" and / or "Lynch" accompanying it.  He was the eldest of five children in an upper-class Argentine family of pre-independence Spanish (i.e. Basque and Cantabrian) and Irish ancestry.    Two of Guevara's notable 18th century ancestors included Luis María Peralta, a prominent Spanish landowner in colonial California, and Patrick Lynch, who emigrated from Ireland to the Río de la Plata Governorate.   Referring to Che's "restless" nature, his father declared "the first thing to note is that in my son's veins flowed the blood of the Irish rebels". 
Early on in life, Ernestito (as he was then called) developed an "affinity for the poor".  Growing up in a family with leftist leanings, Guevara was introduced to a wide spectrum of political perspectives even as a boy.  His father, a staunch supporter of Republicans from the Spanish Civil War, often hosted many veterans from the conflict in the Guevara home. 
Despite suffering crippling bouts of acute asthma that were to afflict him throughout his life, he excelled as an athlete, enjoying swimming, football, golf, and shooting, while also becoming an "untiring" cyclist.   He was an avid rugby union player,  and played at fly-half for Club Universitario de Buenos Aires.  His rugby playing earned him the nickname "Fuser" —a contraction of The Furious (furious) and his mother's surname, de la Serna — for his aggressive style of play. 
Intellectual and literary interests
Guevara learned chess from his father and began participating in local tournaments by the age of 12. During adolescence and throughout his life he was passionate about poetry, especially that of Pablo Neruda, John Keats, Antonio Machado, Federico García Lorca, Gabriela Mistral, César Vallejo, and Walt Whitman.  He could also recite Rudyard Kipling's "If—" and José Hernández's Martín Fierro by heart.  The Guevara home contained more than 3,000 books, which allowed Guevara to be an enthusiastic and eclectic reader, with interests including Karl Marx, William Faulkner, André Gide, Emilio Salgari and Jules Verne.  Additionally, he enjoyed the works of Jawaharlal Nehru, Franz Kafka, Albert Camus, Vladimir Lenin and Jean-Paul Sartre as well as Anatole France, Friedrich Engels, H. G. Wells and Robert Frost. 
As he grew older, he developed an interest in the Latin American writers Horacio Quiroga, Ciro Alegría, Jorge Icaza, Rubén Darío and Miguel Asturias.  Many of these authors' ideas he cataloged in his own handwritten notebooks of concepts, definitions, and philosophies of influential intellectuals. These included composing analytical sketches of Buddha and Aristotle, along with examining Bertrand Russell on love and patriotism, Jack London on society and Nietzsche on the idea of death. Sigmund Freud's ideas fascinated him as he quoted him on a variety of topics from dreams and libido to narcissism and the Oedipus complex.  His favorite subjects in school included philosophy, mathematics, engineering, political science, sociology, history and archeology.  
Guevara trained and graduated as a medical physician having worked for a brief time as a nurse. : xxiv
Years later, a declassified CIA "biographical and personality report" dated 13 February 1958 made note of Guevara's wide range of academic interests and intellect, describing him as "quite well read" while adding that "Che is fairly intellectual for a Latino." 
In 1948, Guevara entered the University of Buenos Aires to study medicine. His "hunger to explore the world"  led him to intersperse his collegiate pursuits with two long introspective journeys that fundamentally changed the way he viewed himself and the contemporary economic conditions in Latin America. The first expedition in 1950 was a 4,500-kilometer (2,800 mi) solo trip through the rural provinces of northern Argentina on a bicycle on which he installed a small engine.  This was followed in 1951 by a nine-month, 8,000-kilometer (5,000 mi) continental motorcycle trek through part of South America. For the latter, he took a year off from his studies to embark with his friend Alberto Granado, with the final goal of spending a few weeks volunteering at the San Pablo leper colony in Peru, on the banks of the Amazon River. 
In Chile, Guevara found himself enraged by the working conditions of the miners in Anaconda's Chuquicamata copper mine and moved by his overnight encounter in the Atacama Desert with a persecuted communist couple who did not even own a blanket, describing them as "the shivering flesh- and-blood victims of capitalist exploitation ".  Additionally, on the way to Machu Picchu high in the Andes, he was struck by the crushing poverty of the remote rural areas, where peasant farmers worked small plots of land owned by wealthy landlords.  Later on his journey, Guevara was especially impressed by the camaraderie among those living in a leper colony, stating, "The highest forms of human solidarity and loyalty arise among such lonely and desperate people."  Guevara used notes taken during this trip to write an account, titled The Motorcycle Diaries, which later became a New York Times best-seller,  and was adapted into a 2004 award-winning film of the same name.
The journey took Guevara through Argentina, Chile, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Panama, and Miami, Florida, for 20 days,  before returning home to Buenos Aires. By the end of the trip, he came to view Latin America not as a collection of separate nations, but as a single entity requiring a continent-wide liberation strategy. His conception of a borderless, united Hispanic America sharing a common Latino heritage was a theme that recurred prominently during his later revolutionary activities. Upon returning to Argentina, he completed his studies and received his medical degree in June 1953, making him officially "Dr. Ernesto Guevara".  
Guevara later remarked that through his travels in Latin America, he came in "close contact with poverty, hunger and disease" along with the "inability to treat a child because of lack of money" and "stupefaction provoked by the continual hunger and punishment". that leads a father to "accept the loss of a son as an unimportant accident". Guevara cited these experiences as convincing him that in order to "help these people", he needed to leave the realm of medicine and consider the political arena of armed struggle. 
On 7 July 1953, Guevara set out again, this time to Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras and El Salvador. On 10 December 1953, before leaving for Guatemala, Guevara sent an update to his Aunt Beatriz from San José, Costa Rica. In the letter Guevara speaks of traversing the dominion of the United Fruit Company, a journey which convinced him that the Company’s capitalist system was a terrible one.  This affirmed indignation carried the more aggressive tone he adopted in order to frighten his more conservative relatives, and ends with Guevara swearing on an image of the then recently deceased Joseph Stalin, not to rest until these "octopuses have been vanquished".  Later that month, Guevara arrived in Guatemala where President Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán headed a democratically elected government that, through land reform and other initiatives, was attempting to end the landowning system. To accomplish this, President Árbenz had enacted a major land reform program, where all uncultivated portions of large land holdings were to be expropriated and redistributed to landless peasants. The largest land owner, and one most affected by the reforms, was the United Fruit Company, from which the Árbenz government had already taken more than 225,000 acres (91,000 ha) of uncultivated land.  Pleased with the road the nation was heading down, Guevara decided to settle down in Guatemala so as to "perfect himself and accomplish whatever may be necessary in order to become a true revolutionary." 
In Guatemala City, Guevara sought out Hilda Gadea Acosta, a Peruvian economist who was well-connected politically as a member of the left-leaning American Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA). She introduced Guevara to a number of high-level officials in the Árbenz government. Guevara then established contact with a group of Cuban exiles linked to Fidel Castro through the 26 July 1953 attack on the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba. During this period, he acquired his famous nickname, due to his frequent use of the Argentine filler syllable that (a multi-purpose discourse marker, like the syllable "eh" in Canadian English).  During his time in Guatemala, Guevara was helped by other Central American exiles, one of whom, Helena Leiva de Holst, provided him with food and lodging,  discussed her travels to study Marxism in Russia and China,  ] and to whom, Guevara dedicated a poem, "Invitación al camino". 
In May 1954, a shipment of infantry and light artillery weapons was dispatched from Communist Czechoslovakia for the Árbenz government and arrived in Puerto Barrios.  As a result, the United States government — which since 1953 had been tasked by President Eisenhower to remove Arbenz from power in the multifaceted CIA operation code — named PBSuccess — responded by saturating Guatemala with anti-Arbenz propaganda through radio and dropped leaflets. , and began bombing raids using unmarked airplanes.  The United States also sponsored a force of several hundred Guatemalan refugees and mercenaries who were headed by Castillo Armas to help remove the Árbenz government. On June 27, Árbenz decided to resign.  This allowed Armas and his CIA-assisted forces to march into Guatemala City and establish a military junta, which elected Armas as President on 7 July.  Consequently, the Armas regime then consolidated power by rounding up and executing suspected communists,  while crushing the previously flourishing labor unions  and reversing the previous agrarian reforms. 
Guevara himself was eager to fight on behalf of Árbenz and joined an armed militia organized by the Communist Youth for that purpose, but frustrated with the group's inaction, he soon returned to medical duties. Following the coup, he again volunteered to fight, but soon after, Árbenz took refuge in the Mexican Embassy and told his foreign supporters to leave the country. Guevara's repeated calls to resist were noted by supporters of the coup, and he was marked for murder.  After Hilda Gadea was arrested, Guevara sought protection inside the Argentine consulate, where he remained until he received a safe-conduct pass some weeks later and made his way to Mexico. 
The overthrow of the Árbenz regime and establishment of the right-wing Armas dictatorship cemented Guevara's view of the United States as an imperialist power that opposed and attempted to destroy any government that sought to redress the socioeconomic inequality endemic to Latin America and other developing countries.  In speaking about the coup, Guevara stated:
The last Latin American revolutionary democracy - that of Jacobo Árbenz - failed as a result of the cold premeditated aggression carried out by the United States. Its visible head was the Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, a man who, through a rare coincidence, was also a stockholder and attorney for the United Fruit Company. 
Guevara's conviction strengthened that Marxism, achieved through armed struggle and defended by an armed populace, was the only way to rectify such conditions.  Gadea wrote later, "It was Guatemala which finally convinced him of the necessity for armed struggle and for taking the initiative against imperialism. By the time he left, he was sure of this." 
Guevara arrived in Mexico City on September 21, 1954, and worked in the allergy section of the General Hospital and at the Children's Hospital of Mexico.   In addition he gave lectures on medicine at the Faculty of Medicine at the National Autonomous University of Mexico and worked as a news photographer for Latina News Agency.   His first wife Hilda notes in her memoir My Life with Che, that for a while, Guevara considered going to work as a doctor in Africa and that he continued to be deeply troubled by the poverty around him.  In one instance, Hilda describes Guevara's obsession with an elderly washerwoman whom he was treating, remarking that he saw her as "representative of the most forgotten and exploited class". Hilda later found a poem that Che had dedicated to the old woman, containing "a promise to fight for a better world, for a better life for all the poor and exploited". 
During this time he renewed his friendship with Ñico López and the other Cuban exiles whom he had met in Guatemala. In June 1955, López introduced him to Raúl Castro, who subsequently introduced him to his older brother, Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader who had formed the 26th of July Movement and was now plotting to overthrow the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. During a long conversation with Fidel on the night of their first meeting, Guevara concluded that the Cuban's cause was the one for which he had been searching and before daybreak he had signed up as a member of the 26th of July Movement.  Despite their "contrasting personalities", from this point on Che and Fidel began to foster what dual biographer Simon Reid-Henry deemed a "revolutionary friendship that would change the world", as a result of their coinciding commitment to anti-imperialism . 
By this point in Guevara’s life, he deemed that U.S.-controlled conglomerates installed and supported repressive regimes around the world. In this vein, he considered Batista a "U.S. puppet whose strings needed cutting."  Although he planned to be the group's combat medic, Guevara participated in the military training with the members of the Movement. The key portion of training involved learning hit and run tactics of guerrilla warfare. Guevara and the others underwent arduous 15-hour marches over mountains, across rivers, and through the dense undergrowth, learning and perfecting the procedures of ambush and quick retreat. From the start Guevara was instructor Alberto Bayo's "prize student" among those in training, scoring the highest on all of the tests given.  At the end of the course, he was called "the best guerrilla of them all" by General Bayo. 
Guevara then married Gadea in Mexico in September 1955, before embarking on his plan to assist in the liberation of Cuba. 
Invasion, warfare, and Santa Clara
The first step in Castro's revolutionary plan was an assault on Cuba from Mexico via the Granma, an old, leaky cabin cruiser. They set out for Cuba on 25 November 1956. Attacked by Batista's military soon after landing, many of the 82 men were either killed in the attack or executed upon capture only 22 found each other afterwards.  During this initial bloody confrontation Guevara laid down his medical supplies and picked up a box of ammunition dropped by a fleeing comrade, proving to be a symbolic moment in Che's life. 
Only a small band of revolutionaries survived to re-group as a bedraggled fighting force deep in the Sierra Maestra mountains, where they received support from the urban guerrilla network of Frank País, 26 July Movement, and local campesinos. With the group withdrawn to the Sierra, the world wondered whether Castro was alive or dead until early 1957 when an interview by Herbert Matthews appeared in The New York Times. The article presented a lasting, almost mythical image for Castro and the guerrillas. Guevara was not present for the interview, but in the coming months he began to realize the importance of the media in their struggle. Meanwhile, as supplies and morale diminished, and with an allergy to mosquito bites which resulted in agonizing walnut-sized cysts on his body,  Guevara considered these "the most painful days of the war". 
During Guevara’s time living hidden among the poor subsistence farmers of the Sierra Maestra mountains, he discovered that there were no schools, no electricity, minimal access to healthcare, and more than 40 percent of the adults were illiterate.  As the war continued, Guevara became an integral part of the rebel army and "convinced Castro with competence, diplomacy and patience".  Guevara set up factories to make grenades, built ovens to bake bread, and organized schools to teach illiterate campesinos to read and write.  Moreover, Guevara established health clinics, workshops to teach military tactics, and a newspaper to disseminate information.  The man whom Time dubbed three years later "Castro's brain" at this point was promoted by Fidel Castro to Commander (commander) of a second army column. 
As second in command, Guevara was a harsh disciplinarian who sometimes shot defectors. Deserters were punished as traitors, and Guevara was known to send squads to track those seeking to go AWOL.  As a result, Guevara became feared for his brutality and ruthlessness.  During the guerrilla campaign, Guevara was also responsible for the summary executions of a number of men accused of being informers, deserters or spies.  In his diaries, Guevara described the first such execution of Eutimio Guerra, a peasant army guide who admitted treason when it was discovered he accepted the promise of ten thousand pesos for repeatedly giving away the rebel's position for attack by the Cuban air force .  Such information also allowed Batista's army to burn the homes of peasants sympathetic to the revolution.  Upon Guerra's request that they "end his life quickly",  Che stepped forward and shot him in the head, writing "The situation was uncomfortable for the people and for Eutimio so I ended the problem giving him a shot with a .32 pistol in the right side of the brain, with exit orifice in the right temporal [lobe]. "  His scientific notations and matter-of-fact description, suggested to one biographer a "remarkable detachment to violence" by that point in the war.  Later, Guevara published a literary account of the incident, titled "Death of a Traitor", where he transfigured Eutimio's betrayal and pre-execution request that the revolution "take care of his children", into a revolutionary parable about redemption through sacrifice ". 
Although he maintained a demanding and harsh disposition, Guevara also viewed his role of commander as one of a teacher, entertaining his men during breaks between engagements with readings from the likes of Robert Louis Stevenson, Miguel de Cervantes, and Spanish lyric poets.  Together with this role, and inspired by José Martí's principle of "literacy without borders", Guevara further ensured that his rebel fighters made daily time to teach the uneducated campesinos with whom they lived and fought to read and write, in what Guevara termed the "battle against ignorance".  Tomás Alba, who fought under Guevara's command, later stated that "Che was loved, in spite of being stern and demanding. We would (have) given our life for him." 
His commanding officer Fidel Castro described Guevara as intelligent, daring, and an exemplary leader who "had great moral authority over his troops."  Castro further remarked that Guevara took too many risks, even having a "tendency toward foolhardiness".  Guevara's teenage lieutenant, Joel Iglesias, recounts such actions in his diary, noting that Guevara's behavior in combat even brought admiration from the enemy. On one occasion Iglesias recounts the time he had been wounded in battle, stating "Che ran out to me, defying the bullets, threw me over his shoulder, and got me out of there. The guards didn't dare fire at him. Later they told me he made a great impression on them when they saw him run out with his pistol stuck in his belt, ignoring the danger, they didn't dare shoot. " 
Guevara was instrumental in creating the clandestine radio station Radio Rebelde (Rebel Radio) in February 1958, which broadcast news to the Cuban people with statements by the 26 July movement, and provided radiotelephone communication between the growing number of rebel columns across the island. Guevara had apparently been inspired to create the station by observing the effectiveness of CIA supplied radio in Guatemala in ousting the government of Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán. 
To quell the rebellion, Cuban government troops began executing rebel prisoners on the spot, and regularly rounded up, tortured, and shot civilians as a tactic of intimidation.  By March 1958, the continued atrocities carried out by Batista's forces led the United States to stop selling arms to the Cuban government.  Then in late July 1958, Guevara played a critical role in the Battle of Las Mercedes by using his column to halt a force of 1,500 men called up by Batista's General Cantillo in a plan to encircle and destroy Castro's forces. Years later, Major Larry Bockman of the United States Marine Corps analyzed and described Che's tactical appreciation of this battle as "brilliant".  During this time Guevara also became an "expert" at leading hit-and-run tactics against Batista's army, and then fading back into the countryside before the army could counterattack. 
As the war extended, Guevara led a new column of fighters dispatched westward for the final push towards Havana. Traveling by foot, Guevara embarked on a difficult 7-week march, only traveling at night to avoid an ambush and often not eating for several days.  In the closing days of December 1958, Guevara's task was to cut the island in half by taking Las Villas province. In a matter of days he executed a series of "brilliant tactical victories" that gave him control of all but the province's capital city of Santa Clara.  Guevara then directed his "suicide squad" in the attack on Santa Clara, which became the final decisive military victory of the revolution.   In the six weeks leading up to the battle, there were times when his men were completely surrounded, outgunned, and overrun. Che's eventual victory despite being outnumbered 10: 1 remains in the view of some observers a "remarkable tour de force in modern warfare". 
Radio Rebelde broadcast the first reports that Guevara's column had taken Santa Clara on New Year's Eve 1958. This contradicted reports by the heavily controlled national news media, which had at one stage reported Guevara's death during the fighting. At 3 am on 1 January 1959, upon learning that his generals were negotiating a separate peace with Guevara, Fulgencio Batista boarded a plane in Havana and fled for the Dominican Republic, along with an amassed "fortune of more than $ 300,000,000 through graft and payoffs". .  The following day on 2 January, Guevara entered Havana to take final control of the capital.  Fidel Castro took six more days to arrive, as he stopped to rally support in several large cities on his way to rolling victoriously into Havana on 8 January 1959. The final death toll from the two years of revolutionary fighting was 2,000 people. 
In mid-January 1959, Guevara went to live at a summer villa in Tarará to recover from a violent asthma attack.  While there he started the Tarara Group, a group that debated and formed the new plans for Cuba's social, political, and economic development.  In addition, Che began to write his book Guerrilla Warfare while resting at Tarara.  In February, the revolutionary government proclaimed Guevara "a Cuban citizen by birth" in recognition of his role in the triumph.  When Hilda Gadea arrived in Cuba in late January, Guevara told her that he was involved with another woman, and the two agreed on a divorce,  which was finalized on 22 May.  On 2 June 1959, he married Aleida March, a Cuban-born member of 26 July movement with whom he had been living since late 1958. Guevara returned to the seaside village of Tarara in June for his honeymoon with Aleida.  In total, Guevara had five children from his two marriages. 
La Cabaña, land reform, and literacy
The first major political crisis arose over what to do with the captured Batista officials who had perpetrated the worst of the repression.  During the rebellion against Batista's dictatorship, the general command of the rebel army, led by Fidel Castro, introduced into the territories under its control the 19th-century penal law commonly known as the Sierra Law (Law of the Sierra).  This law included the death penalty for serious crimes, whether perpetrated by the Batista regime or by supporters of the revolution. In 1959 the revolutionary government extended its application to the whole of the republic and to those it considered war criminals, captured and tried after the revolution. According to the Cuban Ministry of Justice, this latter extension was supported by the majority of the population, and followed the same procedure as those in the Nuremberg trials held by the Allies after World War II. 
To implement a portion of this plan, Castro named Guevara commander of the La Cabaña Fortress prison, for a five-month tenure (2 January through 12 June 1959).  Guevara was charged by the new government with purging the Batista army and consolidating victory by exacting "revolutionary justice" against those regarded as traitors, chivatos (informants) or war criminals.  As commander of La Cabaña, Guevara reviewed the appeals of those convicted during the revolutionary tribunal process.  The tribunals were conducted by 2–3 army officers, an assessor, and a respected local citizen.  On some occasions the penalty delivered by the tribunal was death by firing-squad.  Raúl Gómez Treto, senior legal advisor to the Cuban Ministry of Justice, has argued that the death penalty was justified in order to prevent citizens themselves from taking justice into their own hands, as had happened twenty years earlier in the anti-Machado rebellion.  Biographers note that in January 1959 the Cuban public was in a "lynching mood",  and point to a survey at the time showing 93% public approval for the tribunal process.  Moreover, a 22 January 1959, Universal Newsreel broadcast in the United States and narrated by Ed Herlihy featured Fidel Castro asking an estimated one million Cubans whether they approved of the executions, and being met with a roaring "And!"(yes).  With as many as 20,000 Cubans estimated to have been killed at the hands of Batista's collaborators,     and many of the accused war criminals sentenced to death accused of torture and physical atrocities,  the newly-empowered government carried out executions, punctuated by cries from the crowds of "To the wall!" ([to the] wall!),  which biographer Jorge Castañeda describes as "without respect for due process". 
—Jon Lee Anderson, author of Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life, PBS forum 
Although accounts vary, it is estimated that several hundred people were executed nationwide during this time, with Guevara's jurisdictional death total at La Cabaña ranging from 55 to 105.  Conflicting views exist of Guevara's attitude towards the executions at La Cabaña. Some exiled opposition biographers report that he relished the rituals of the firing squad, and organized them with gusto, while others relate that Guevara pardoned as many prisoners as he could.  All sides acknowledge that Guevara had become a "hardened" man who had no qualms about the death penalty or about summary and collective trials. If the only way to "defend the revolution was to execute its enemies, he would not be swayed by humanitarian or political arguments".  In a 5 February 1959 letter to Luis Paredes López in Buenos Aires, Guevara states unequivocally: "The executions by firing squads are not only a necessity for the people of Cuba, but also an imposition of the people." 
Along with ensuring "revolutionary justice", the other key early platform of Guevara was establishing agrarian land reform. Almost immediately after the success of the revolution, on 27 January 1959, Guevara made one of his most significant speeches where he talked about "the social ideas of the rebel army". During this speech he declared that the main concern of the new Cuban government was "the social justice that land redistribution brings about".  A few months later, 17 May 1959, the Agrarian Reform Law, crafted by Guevara, went into effect, limiting the size of all farms to 1,000 acres (400 ha). Any holdings over these limits were expropriated by the government and either redistributed to peasants in 67-acre (270,000 m 2) parcels or held as state-run communes.  The law also stipulated that foreigners could not own Cuban sugar-plantations. 
On 12 June 1959, Castro sent Guevara out on a three-month tour of 14 mostly Bandung Pact countries (Morocco, Sudan, Egypt, Syria, Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, Japan, Yugoslavia, Greece) and the cities of Singapore and Hong Kong.  Sending Guevara away from Havana allowed Castro to appear to distance himself from Guevara and his Marxist sympathies, which troubled both the United States and some of the members of Castro's 26 July Movement.  While in Jakarta, Guevara visited Indonesian president Sukarno to discuss the recent revolution of 1945-1949 in Indonesia and to establish trade relations between their two countries. The two men quickly bonded, as Sukarno was attracted to Guevara's energy and his relaxed informal approach moreover they shared revolutionary leftist aspirations against western imperialism.  Guevara next spent 12 days in Japan (15–27 July), participating in negotiations aimed at expanding Cuba's trade relations with that country. During the visit he refused to visit and lay a wreath at Japan's Tomb of the Unknown Soldier commemorating soldiers lost during World War II, remarking that the Japanese "imperialists" had "killed millions of Asians".  Instead, Guevara stated that he would visit Hiroshima, where the American military had detonated an atom-bomb 14 years earlier.  Despite his denunciation of Imperial Japan, Guevara considered President Truman a "macabre clown" for the bombings,  and after visiting Hiroshima and its Peace Memorial Museum he sent back a postcard to Cuba stating, "In order to fight better for peace, one must look at Hiroshima. " 
Upon Guevara's return to Cuba in September 1959, it became evident that Castro now had more political power. The government had begun land seizures in accordance with the agrarian reform law, but was hedging on compensation offers to landowners, instead offering low-interest "bonds", a step which put the United States on alert. At this point the affected wealthy cattlemen of Camagüey mounted a campaign against the land redistributions and enlisted the newly-disaffected rebel leader Huber Matos, who along with the anti-Communist wing of 26 July Movement, joined them in denouncing "Communist encroachment".  During this time Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo was offering assistance to the "Anti-Communist Legion of the Caribbean" which was training in the Dominican Republic. This multi-national force, composed mostly of Spaniards and Cubans, but also of Croatians, Germans, Greeks, and right-wing mercenaries, was plotting to topple Castro's new regime. 
Such threats were heightened when, on 4 March 1960, two massive explosions ripped through the French freighter La Coubre, which was carrying Belgian ammunition from the port of Antwerp, and was docked in Havana Harbor. The blasts killed at least 76 people and injured several hundred, with Guevara personally providing first aid to some of the victims. Fidel Castro immediately accused the CIA of "an act of terrorism" and held a state funeral the following day for the victims of the blast.  At the memorial service Alberto Korda took the famous photograph of Guevara, now known as Heroic Guerrilla. 
Perceived threats prompted Castro to eliminate more "counter-revolutionaries" and to utilize Guevara to drastically increase the speed of land reform. To implement this plan, a new government agency, the National Institute of Agrarian Reform (INRA), was established by the Cuban Government to administer the new Agrarian Reform law. INRA quickly became the most important governing body in the nation, with Guevara serving as its head in his capacity as minister of industries.  [ need quotation to verify ] Under Guevara's command, INRA established its own 100,000-person militia, used first to help the government seize control of the expropriated land and supervise its distribution, and later to set up cooperative farms. The confiscated land included 480,000 acres (190,000 ha) owned by United States corporations.  Months later, in retaliation, US President Dwight D. Eisenhower sharply reduced United States imports of Cuban sugar (Cuba's main cash crop), which led Guevara on 10 July 1960 to address over 100,000 workers in front of the Presidential Palace at a rally to denounce the "economic aggression" of the United States.  Time Magazine reporters who met with Guevara around this time described him as "guid (ing) Cuba with icy calculation, vast competence, high intelligence, and a perceptive sense of humor." 
"Urban." (a.k.a. Leonardo Tamayo),
fought with Guevara in Cuba and Bolivia 
Along with land reform, Guevara stressed the need for national improvement in literacy. Before 1959 the official literacy rate for Cuba was between 60–76%, with educational access in rural areas and a lack of instructors the main determining factors.  As a result, the Cuban government at Guevara's behest dubbed 1961 the "year of education" and mobilized over 100,000 volunteers into "literacy brigades", who were then sent out into the countryside to build schools, train new educators, and teach the predominantly illiterate Guajira (peasants) to read and write.   Unlike many of Guevara's later economic initiatives, this campaign was "a remarkable success". By the completion of the Cuban Literacy Campaign, 707,212 adults had been taught to read and write, raising the national literacy rate to 96%. 
Accompanying literacy, Guevara was also concerned with establishing universal access to higher education. To accomplish this the new regime introduced affirmative action to the universities. While announcing this new commitment, Guevara told the gathered faculty and students at the University of Las Villas that the days when education was "a privilege of the white middle class" had ended. "The University" he said, "must paint itself black, mulatto, worker, and peasant." If it didn't, he warned, the people were going to break down its doors "and paint the University the colors they like." 
Marxist ideological influence
The merit of Marx is that he suddenly produces a qualitative change in the history of social thought. He interprets history, understands its dynamic, predicts the future, but in addition to predicting it (which would satisfy his scientific obligation), he expresses a revolutionary concept: the world must not only be interpreted, it must be transformed. Man ceases to be the slave and tool of his environment and converts himself into the architect of his own destiny.
In September 1960, when Guevara was asked about Cuba's ideology at the First Latin American Congress, he replied, "If I were asked whether our revolution is Communist, I would define it as Marxist. Our revolution has discovered by its methods the paths that Marx pointed out. "  Consequently, when enacting and advocating Cuban policy, Guevara cited the political philosopher Karl Marx as his ideological inspiration. In defending his political stance, Guevara confidently remarked, "There are truths so evident, so much a part of people's knowledge, that it is now useless to discuss them. One ought to be a Marxist with the same naturalness with which one is 'Newtonian'. in physics, or 'Pasteurian' in biology. "  According to Guevara, the "practical revolutionaries" of the Cuban Revolution had the goal of "simply fulfill (ing) laws foreseen by Marx, the scientist."  Using Marx's predictions and system of dialectical materialism, Guevara professed that "The laws of Marxism are present in the events of the Cuban Revolution, regardless of what its leaders profess or fully know of those laws from a theoretical point of view." 
Economic vision and the "New Man"
Man truly achieves his full human condition when he produces without being compelled by the physical necessity of selling himself as a commodity.
At this stage, Guevara acquired the additional position of Finance Minister, as well as President of the National Bank.  These appointments, combined with his existing position as Minister of Industries, placed Guevara at the zenith of his power, as the "virtual czar" of the Cuban economy.  As a consequence of his position at the head of the central bank, it became Guevara's duty to sign the Cuban currency, which per custom bore his signature. Instead of using his full name, he signed the bills solely "What". It was through this symbolic act, which horrified many in the Cuban financial sector, that Guevara signaled his distaste for money and the class distinctions it brought about.  Guevara's long time friend Ricardo Rojo later remarked that "the day he signed What on the bills, (he) literally knocked the props from under the widespread belief that money was sacred. "
In an effort to eliminate social inequalities, Guevara and Cuba’s new leadership had moved to swiftly transform the country’s political and economic base through nationalizing factories, banks, and businesses, while attempting to ensure affordable housing, healthcare, and employment for all Cubans.  In order for a genuine transformation of consciousness to take root, it was believed that such structural changes had to be accompanied by a conversion in people's social relations and values. Believing that the attitudes in Cuba towards race, women, individualism, and manual labor were the product of the island's outdated past, all individuals were urged to view each other as equals and take on the values of what Guevara termed "the New Man" (the New Man).  Guevara hoped his "new man" to be ultimately "selfless and cooperative, obedient and hard working, gender-blind, incorruptible, non-materialistic, and anti-imperialist".  To accomplish this, Guevara emphasized the tenets of Marxism – Leninism, and wanted to use the state to emphasize qualities such as egalitarianism and self-sacrifice, at the same time as "unity, equality, and freedom" became the new maxims. .  Guevara's first desired economic goal of the new man, which coincided with his aversion for wealth condensation and economic inequality, was to see a nationwide elimination of material incentives in favor of moral ones. He negatively viewed capitalism as a "contest among wolves" where "one can only win at the cost of others" and thus desired to see the creation of a "new man and woman".  Guevara continually stressed that a socialist economy in itself is not "worth the effort, sacrifice, and risks of war and destruction" if it ends up encouraging "greed and individual ambition at the expense of collective spirit".  A primary goal of Guevara's thus became to reform "individual consciousness" and values to produce better workers and citizens.  In his view, Cuba's "new man" would be able to overcome the "egotism" and "selfishness" that he loathed and discerned was uniquely characteristic of individuals in capitalist societies.  To promote this concept of a "new man", the government also created a series of party-dominated institutions and mechanisms at all levels of society, which included organizations such as labor groups, youth leagues, women's groups, community centers, and houses of culture to promote state-sponsored art, music, and literature. In congruence with this, all educational, mass media, and artistic community based facilities were nationalized and utilized to instill the government’s official socialist ideology.  In describing this new method of "development", Guevara stated:
There is a great difference between free-enterprise development and revolutionary development. In one of them, wealth is concentrated in the hands of a fortunate few, the friends of the government, the best wheeler-dealers. In the other, wealth is the people's patrimony. 
A further integral part of fostering a sense of "unity between the individual and the mass", Guevara believed, was volunteer work and will. To display this, Guevara "led by example", working "endlessly at his ministry job, in construction, and even cutting sugar cane" on his day off.  He was known for working 36 hours at a stretch, calling meetings after midnight, and eating on the run.  Such behavior was emblematic of Guevara's new program of moral incentives, where each worker was now required to meet a quota and produce a certain quantity of goods. As a replacement for the pay increases abolished by Guevara, workers who exceeded their quota now only received a certificate of commendation, while workers who failed to meet their quotas were given a pay cut.  Guevara unapologetically defended his personal philosophy towards motivation and work, stating:
This is not a matter of how many pounds of meat one might be able to eat, or how many times a year someone can go to the beach, or how many ornaments from abroad one might be able to buy with his current salary. What really matters is that the individual feels more complete, with much more internal richness and much more responsibility. 
In the face of a loss of commercial connections with Western states, Guevara tried to replace them with closer commercial relations with Eastern Bloc states, visiting a number of Marxist states and signing trade agreements with them. At the end of 1960 he visited Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, North Korea, Hungary and East Germany and signed, for instance, a trade agreement in East Berlin on 17 December 1960.  Such agreements helped Cuba's economy to a certain degree but also had the disadvantage of a growing economic dependency on the Eastern Bloc. It was also in East Germany where Guevara met Tamara Bunke (later known as "Tania"), who was assigned as his interpreter, and who joined him years later, and was killed with him in Bolivia.
Whatever the merits or demerits of Guevara's economic principles, his programs were unsuccessful,  and accompanied a rapid drop in productivity and a rapid rise in absenteeism.  In a meeting with French economist Rene Dumont, Guevara blamed the inadequacy of the Agrarian Reform Law enacted by the Cuban government in 1959, which turned large plantations into farm co-operatives or split up land amongst peasants.  In Guevara's opinion, this situation continued to promote a "heightened sense of individual ownership" in which workers could not see the positive social benefits of their labor, leading them to instead seek individual material gain as before.  Decades later, Che's former deputy Ernesto Betancourt, subsequently the director of the US government-funded Radio Martí and an early ally turned Castro-critic, accused Guevara of being "ignorant of the most elementary economic principles." 
Bay of Pigs, and missile crisis
On April 17, 1961, 1,400 U.S.-trained Cuban exiles invaded Cuba during the Bay of Pigs Invasion. Guevara did not play a key role in the fighting, as one day before the invasion a warship carrying Marines faked an invasion off the West Coast of Pinar del Río and drew forces commanded by Guevara to that region. However, historians give him a share of credit for the victory as he was director of instruction for Cuba's armed forces at the time.  Author Tad Szulc in his explanation of the Cuban victory, assigns Guevara partial credit, stating: "The revolutionaries won because Che Guevara, as the head of the Instruction Department of the Revolutionary Armed Forces in charge of the militia training program, had done so well in preparing 200,000 men and women for war. "  It was also during this deployment that he suffered a bullet grazing to the cheek when his pistol fell out of its holster and accidentally discharged. 
In August 1961, during an economic conference of the Organization of American States in Punta del Este, Uruguay, Che Guevara sent a note of "gratitude" to United States President John F. Kennedy through Richard N. Goodwin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs. It read "Thanks for Playa Girón (Bay of Pigs). Before the invasion, the revolution was shaky. Now it's stronger than ever."  In response to United States Treasury Secretary Douglas Dillon presenting the Alliance for Progress for ratification by the meeting, Guevara antagonistically attacked the United States' claim of being a "democracy", stating that such a system was not compatible with "financial oligarchy". , discrimination against blacks, and outrages by the Ku Klux Klan ".  Guevara continued, speaking out against the "persecution" that in his view "drove scientists like Oppenheimer from their posts, deprived the world for years of the marvelous voice of Paul Robeson, and sent the Rosenbergs to their deaths against the protests of a shocked world. "  Guevara ended his remarks by insinuating that the United States was not interested in real reforms, sardonically quipping that "US experts never talk about agrarian reform they prefer a safe subject, like a better water supply. In short, they seem to prepare. the revolution of the toilets. "  Nevertheless, Goodwin stated in his memo to President Kennedy following the meeting that Guevara viewed him as someone of the "newer generation"  and that Guevara, whom Goodwin alleged sent a message to him the day after the meeting through one of the meeting's Argentine participants whom he described as "Darretta,"  also viewed the conversation which the two had as "quite profitable." 
Guevara, who was practically the architect of the Soviet – Cuban relationship,  then played a key role in bringing to Cuba the Soviet nuclear-armed ballistic missiles that precipitated the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962 and brought the world to the brink of nuclear war.  A few weeks after the crisis, during an interview with the British communist newspaper the Daily Worker, Guevara was still fuming over the perceived Soviet betrayal and told correspondent Sam Russell that, if the missiles had been under Cuban control, they would have fired them off.  While expounding on the incident later, Guevara reiterated that the cause of socialist liberation against global "imperialist aggression" would ultimately have been worth the possibility of "millions of atomic war victims".  The missile crisis further convinced Guevara that the world's two superpowers (the United States and the Soviet Union) used Cuba as a pawn in their own global strategies. Afterward, he denounced the Soviets almost as frequently as he denounced the Americans. 
In December 1964, Che Guevara had emerged as a "revolutionary statesman of world stature" and thus traveled to New York City as head of the Cuban delegation to speak at the United Nations.  On 11 December 1964, during Guevara's hour-long, impassioned address at the UN, he criticized the United Nations' inability to confront the "brutal policy of apartheid" in South Africa, asking "Can the United Nations do nothing to stop this? "  Guevara then denounced the United States policy towards their black population, stating:
Those who kill their own children and discriminate daily against them because of the color of their skin those who let the murderers of blacks remain free, protecting them, and furthermore punishing the black population because they demand their legitimate rights as free men — how can those who do this consider themselves guardians of freedom? 
An indignant Guevara ended his speech by reciting the Second Declaration of Havana, decreeing Latin America a "family of 200 million brothers who suffer the same miseries".  This "epic", Guevara declared, would be written by the "hungry Indian masses, peasants without land, exploited workers, and progressive masses". To Guevara the conflict was a struggle of masses and ideas, which would be carried forth by those "mistreated and scorned by imperialism" who were previously considered "a weak and submissive flock". With this "flock", Guevara now asserted, "Yankee monopoly capitalism" now terrifyingly saw their "gravediggers".  It would be during this "hour of vindication", Guevara pronounced, that the "anonymous mass" would begin to write its own history "with its own blood" and reclaim those "rights that were laughed at by one and all for 500 years ". Guevara closed his remarks to the General Assembly by hypothesizing that this "wave of anger" would "sweep the lands of Latin America" and that the labor masses who "turn the wheel of history" were now, for the first time, "awakening from the long, brutalizing sleep to which they had been subjected ". 
Guevara later learned there had been two failed attempts on his life by Cuban exiles during his stop at the UN complex.  The first from Molly Gonzales, who tried to break through barricades upon his arrival with a seven-inch hunting knife, and later during his address by Guillermo Novo, who fired a timer-initiated bazooka from a boat in the East River at the United Nations Headquarters, but missed and was off target. Afterwards Guevara commented on both incidents, stating that "it is better to be killed by a woman with a knife than by a man with a gun", while adding with a languid wave of his cigar that the explosion had "given the whole thing more flavor ". 
While in New York, Guevara appeared on the CBS Sunday news program Face the Nation,  and met with a wide range of people, from United States Senator Eugene McCarthy  to associates of Malcolm X. The latter expressed his admiration, declaring Guevara "one of the most revolutionary men in this country right now" while reading a statement from him to a crowd at the Audubon Ballroom. 
On 17 December, Guevara left New York for Paris, France, and from there embarked on a three-month world tour that included visits to the People's Republic of China, North Korea, the United Arab Republic, Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Dahomey, Congo-Brazzaville and Tanzania, with stops in Ireland and Prague. While in Ireland, Guevara embraced his own Irish heritage, celebrating Saint Patrick's Day in Limerick city.  He wrote to his father on this visit, humorously stating "I am in this green Ireland of your ancestors. When they found out, the television [station] came to ask me about the Lynch genealogy, but in case they were horse thieves or something like that, I didn't say much. " 
During this voyage, he wrote a letter to Carlos Quijano, editor of a Uruguayan weekly, which was later retitled Socialism and Man in Cuba.  Outlined in the treatise was Guevara's summons for the creation of a new consciousness, a new status of work, and a new role of the individual. He also laid out the reasoning behind his anti-capitalist sentiments, stating:
The laws of capitalism, blind and invisible to the majority, act upon the individual without his thinking about it. He sees only the vastness of a seemingly infinite horizon before him. That is how it is painted by capitalist propagandists, who purport to draw a lesson from the example of Rockefeller — whether or not it is true — about the possibilities of success. The amount of poverty and suffering required for the emergence of a Rockefeller, and the amount of depravity that the accumulation of a fortune of such magnitude entails, are left out of the picture, and it is not always possible to make the people in general see this. 
Guevara ended the essay by declaring that "the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love" and beckoning on all revolutionaries to "strive every day so that this love of living humanity will be transformed into acts that serve as examples", thus becoming "a moving force".  The genesis for Guevara's assertions relied on the fact that he believed the example of the Cuban Revolution was "something spiritual that would transcend all borders". 
Algiers, the Soviets, and China
In Algiers, Algeria, on 24 February 1965, Guevara made what turned out to be his last public appearance on the international stage when he delivered a speech at an economic seminar on Afro-Asian solidarity.   He specified the moral duty of the socialist countries, accusing them of tacit complicity with the exploiting Western countries. He proceeded to outline a number of measures which he said the communist-bloc countries must implement in order to accomplish the defeat of imperialism.  Having criticized the Soviet Union (the primary financial backer of Cuba) in such a public manner, he returned to Cuba on March 14 to a solemn reception by Fidel and Raúl Castro, Osvaldo Dorticós and Carlos Rafael Rodríguez at the Havana airport.
As revealed in his last public speech in Algiers, Guevara had come to view the Northern Hemisphere, led by the U.S. in the West and the Soviet Union in the East, as the exploiter of the Southern Hemisphere. He strongly supported Communist North Vietnam in the Vietnam War, and urged the peoples of other developing countries to take up arms and create "many Vietnams".  Che's denunciations of the Soviets made him popular among intellectuals and artists of the Western European left who had lost faith in the Soviet Union, while his condemnation of imperialism and call to revolution inspired young radical students in the United States, who were impatient for societal change. 
—Helen Yaffe, author of Che Guevara: The Economics of Revolution 
In Guevara's private writings from this time (since released), he displays his growing criticism of the Soviet political economy, believing that the Soviets had "forgotten Marx".  This led Guevara to denounce a range of Soviet practices including what he saw as their attempt to "air-brush the inherent violence of class struggle integral to the transition from capitalism to socialism", their "dangerous" policy of peaceful co- existence with the United States, their failure to push for a "change in consciousness" towards the idea of work, and their attempt to "liberalize" the socialist economy. Guevara wanted the complete elimination of money, interest, commodity production, the market economy, and "mercantile relationships": all conditions that the Soviets argued would only disappear when world communism was achieved.  Disagreeing with this incrementalist approach, Guevara criticized the Soviet Manual of Political Economy, correctly predicting that if the USSR did not abolish the law of value (as Guevara desired), it would eventually return to capitalism. 
Two weeks after his Algiers speech and his return to Cuba, Guevara dropped out of public life and then vanished altogether.  His whereabouts were a great mystery in Cuba, as he was generally regarded as second in power to Castro himself. His disappearance was variously attributed to the failure of the Cuban industrialization scheme he had advocated while minister of industries, to pressure exerted on Castro by Soviet officials who disapproved of Guevara's pro-Chinese Communist stance on the Sino-Soviet split, and to serious differences between Guevara and the pragmatic Castro regarding Cuba's economic development and ideological line. Pressed by international speculation regarding Guevara's fate, Castro stated on 16 June 1965, that the people would be informed when Guevara himself wished to let them know. Still, rumors spread both inside and outside Cuba concerning Guevara's missing whereabouts.
On 3 October 1965, Castro publicly revealed an undated letter purportedly written to him by Guevara around seven months earlier which was later titled Che Guevara's "farewell letter". In the letter, Guevara reaffirmed his enduring solidarity with the Cuban Revolution but declared his intention to leave Cuba to fight for the revolutionary cause abroad. Additionally, he resigned from all his positions in the Cuban government and communist party, and renounced his honorary Cuban citizenship. 
—Che Guevara, in February 1965, after meeting with various African liberation movement leaders in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania 
In early 1965, Guevara went to Africa to offer his knowledge and experience as a guerrilla to the ongoing conflict in the Congo. According to Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella, Guevara thought that Africa was imperialism's weak link and so had enormous revolutionary potential.  Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who had fraternal relations with Che since his 1959 visit, saw Guevara's plan to fight in Congo as "unwise" and warned that he would become a "Tarzan" figure, doomed to failure.  Despite the warning, Guevara traveled to Congo using the alias Ramón Benítez.  He led the Cuban operation in support of the Marxist Simba movement, which had emerged from the ongoing Congo crisis. Guevara, his second-in-command Victor Dreke, and 12 other Cuban expeditionaries arrived in Congo on April 24, 1965, and a contingent of approximately 100 Afro-Cubans joined them soon afterward.   For a time, they collaborated with guerrilla leader Laurent-Désiré Kabila, who had helped supporters of the overthrown president Patrice Lumumba to lead an unsuccessful revolt months earlier. As an admirer of the late Lumumba, Guevara declared that his "murder should be a lesson for all of us."  Guevara, with limited knowledge of Swahili and the local languages, was assigned a teenage interpreter, Freddy Ilanga. Over the course of seven months, Ilanga grew to "admire the hard-working Guevara," who "showed the same respect to black people as he did to whites."  Guevara soon became disillusioned with the poor discipline of Kabila's troops and later dismissed him, stating "nothing leads me to believe he is the man of the hour". 
As an additional obstacle, white mercenary troops of the Congo National Army, led by Mike Hoare and supported by anti-Castro Cuban pilots and the CIA, thwarted Guevara's movements from his base camp in the mountains near the village of Fizi on Lake Tanganyika in southeast Congo. They were able to monitor his communications and so pre-empted his attacks and interdicted his supply lines. Although Guevara tried to conceal his presence in Congo, the United States government knew his location and activities. The National Security Agency was intercepting all of his incoming and outgoing transmissions via equipment aboard the USNS Private Jose F. Valdez (T-AG-169), a floating listening post that continuously cruised the Indian Ocean off Dar es Salaam for that purpose. 
Guevara's aim was to export the revolution by instructing local anti-Mobutu Simba fighters in Marxist ideology and focus theory strategies of guerrilla warfare. In his Congo Diary book, he cites a combination of incompetence, intransigence and infighting among the Congolese rebels as key reasons for the revolt's failure.  Later that year, on 20 November 1965, suffering from dysentery and acute asthma, and disheartened after seven months of defeats and inactivity, Guevara left Congo with the six Cuban survivors of his 12-man column. Guevara stated that he had planned to send the wounded back to Cuba and fight in Congo alone until his death, as a revolutionary example. But after being urged by his comrades, and two Cuban emissaries personally sent by Castro, at the last moment he reluctantly agreed to leave Africa. During that day and night, Guevara's forces quietly took down their base camp, burned their huts, and destroyed or threw weapons into Lake Tanganyika that they could not take with them, before crossing the border by boat into Tanzania at night and traveling by land to Dar es Salaam. In speaking about his experience in Congo months later, Guevara concluded that he left rather than fight to the death because: "The human element failed. There is no will to fight. The [rebel] leaders are corrupt. In a word. There was. nothing to do. "  Guevara also declared that "we cannot liberate, all by ourselves, a country that does not want to fight."  A few weeks later, he wrote the preface to the diary he kept during the Congo venture, that began: "This is the story of a failure." 
Guevara was reluctant to return to Cuba, because Castro had already made public Guevara's "farewell letter" —a letter intended to only be revealed in the case of his death — wherein he severed all ties in order to devote himself to revolution throughout the world.  As a result, Guevara spent the next six months living clandestinely at the Cuban embassy in Dar es Salaam and later at a Cuban safehouse in Prague.  While in Europe, Guevara made a secret visit to former Argentine president Juan Perón who lived in exile in Francoist Spain where he confided in Perón about his new plan to formulate a communist revolution to bring all of Latin America under socialist control. Perón warned Guevara that his plans for implementing a communist revolution throughout Latin America, starting with Bolivia, would be suicidal and futile, but Guevara's mind was already made up. Later, Perón remarked that Guevara was "an immature utopian. But one of us. I am happy for it to be so because he is giving the Yankees a real headache." 
During this time abroad, Guevara compiled his memoirs of the Congo experience and wrote drafts of two more books, one on philosophy and the other on economics. As Guevara prepared for Bolivia, he secretly traveled back to Cuba on July 21, 1966 to visit Castro, as well as to see his wife and to write a last letter to his five children to be read upon his death, which ended with him instructing them. :
Above all, always be capable of feeling deeply any injustice committed against anyone, anywhere in the world. This is the most beautiful quality in a revolutionary. 
In late 1966, Guevara's location was still not public knowledge, although representatives of Mozambique's independence movement, the FRELIMO, reported that they met with Guevara in late 1966 in Dar es Salaam regarding his offer to aid in their revolutionary project, an offer which they ultimately rejected.  In a speech at the 1967 International Workers' Day rally in Havana, the acting minister of the armed forces, Major Juan Almeida, announced that Guevara was "serving the revolution somewhere in Latin America." [ citation needed ]
Before he departed for Bolivia, Guevara altered his appearance by shaving off his beard and much of his hair, also dying it gray so that he was unrecognizable as Che Guevara.  On 3 November 1966, Guevara secretly arrived in La Paz on a flight from Montevideo, under the false name Adolfo Mena González, posing as a middle-aged Uruguayan businessman working for the Organization of American States. 
Three days after his arrival in Bolivia, Guevara left La Paz for the rural south east region of the country to form his guerrilla army. Guevara's first base camp was located in the montane dry forest in the remote Ñancahuazú region. Training at the camp in the Ñancahuazú valley proved to be hazardous, and little was accomplished in the way of building a guerrilla army. The Argentine-born East German operative Haydée Tamara Bunke Bider, better known by her war name "Tania", had been installed as Che's primary agent in La Paz.  
Guevara's guerrilla force, numbering about 50 men  and operating as the ELN (Bolivian National Liberation Army, "National Liberation Army of Bolivia"), was well equipped and scored a number of early successes against Bolivian army regulars in the difficult terrain of the mountainous Camiri region during the early months of 1967. As a result of Guevara's units' winning several skirmishes against Bolivian troops in the spring and summer of 1967, the Bolivian government began to overestimate the true size of the guerrilla force. 
Researchers hypothesize that Guevara's plan for fomenting a revolution in Bolivia failed for an array of reasons:
- Guevara had expected assistance and cooperation from the local dissidents that he did not receive, nor did he receive support from Bolivia’s Communist Party under the leadership of Mario Monje, which was oriented toward Moscow rather than Havana. In Guevara's own diary captured after his death, he wrote about the Communist Party of Bolivia, which he characterized as "distrustful, disloyal and stupid". 
- He had expected to deal only with the Bolivian military, who were poorly trained and equipped, and was unaware that the United States government had sent a team of the CIA's Special Activities Division commandos and other operatives into Bolivia to aid the anti-insurrection effort. The Bolivian Army was also trained, advised, and supplied by U.S. Army Special Forces, including an elite battalion of U.S. Rangers trained in jungle warfare that set up camp in La Esperanza, a small settlement close to the location of Guevara's guerrillas. 
- He had expected to remain in radio contact with Havana. The two shortwave radio transmitters provided to him by Cuba were faulty thus, the guerrillas were unable to communicate and be resupplied, leaving them isolated and stranded.
In addition, Guevara's known preference for confrontation rather than compromise, which had previously surfaced during his guerrilla warfare campaign in Cuba, contributed to his inability to develop successful working relationships with local rebel leaders in Bolivia, just as it had in the Congo.  This tendency had existed in Cuba, but had been kept in check by the timely interventions and guidance of Fidel Castro. 
The end result was that Guevara was unable to attract inhabitants of the local area to join his militia during the eleven months he attempted recruitment. Many of the inhabitants willingly informed the Bolivian authorities and military about the guerrillas and their movements in the area. Near the end of the Bolivian venture, Guevara wrote in his diary that "the peasants do not give us any help, and they are turning into informers." 
Capture and death
Félix Rodríguez, a Cuban exile turned CIA Special Activities Division operative, advised Bolivian troops during the hunt for Guevara in Bolivia.  In addition, the 2007 documentary My Enemy's Enemy alleges that Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie advised and possibly helped the CIA orchestrate Guevara's eventual capture. 
On 7 October 1967, an informant apprised the Bolivian Special Forces of the location of Guevara's guerrilla encampment in the Yuro ravine.  On the morning of 8 October, they encircled the area with two companies numbering 180 soldiers and advanced into the ravine triggering a battle where Guevara was wounded and taken prisoner while leading a detachment with Simeón Cuba Sarabia.  Che's biographer Jon Lee Anderson reports Bolivian Sergeant Bernardino Huanca's account: that as the Bolivian Rangers approached, a twice-wounded Guevara, his gun rendered useless, threw up his arms in surrender and shouted to the soldiers: "Do not shoot! I am Che Guevara and I am worth more to you alive than dead. " 
—Philip Agee, CIA agent from 1957–1968, later defected to Cuba 
Guevara was tied up and taken to a dilapidated mud schoolhouse in the nearby village of La Higuera on the evening of 8 October. For the next half day, Guevara refused to be interrogated by Bolivian officers and only spoke quietly to Bolivian soldiers. One of those Bolivian soldiers, a helicopter pilot named Jaime Nino de Guzman, describes Che as looking "dreadful." According to Guzman, Guevara was shot through the right calf, his hair was matted with dirt, his clothes were shredded, and his feet were covered in rough leather sheaths. Despite his haggard appearance, he recounts that "Che held his head high, looked everyone straight in the eyes and asked only for something to smoke." De Guzman states that he "took pity" and gave him a small bag of tobacco for his pipe, and that Guevara then smiled and thanked him.  Later on the night of October 8, Guevara — despite having his hands tied — kicked a Bolivian army officer, named Captain Espinosa, against a wall after the officer entered the schoolhouse and tried to snatch Guevara's pipe from his mouth as a souvenir. while he was still smoking it.  In another instance of defiance, Guevara spat in the face of Bolivian Rear Admiral Ugarteche, who attempted to question Guevara a few hours before his execution. 
The following morning on October 9, Guevara asked to see the school teacher of the village, a 22-year-old woman named Julia Cortez. She later stated that she found Guevara to be an "agreeable looking man with a soft and ironic glance" and that during their conversation she found herself "unable to look him in the eye" because his "gaze was unbearable, piercing, and so tranquil. ".  During their short conversation, Guevara pointed out to Cortez the poor condition of the schoolhouse, stating that it was "anti-pedagogical" to expect peasant students to be educated there, while "government officials drive Mercedes cars" Guevara said "that's what we are fighting against. " 
Later that morning on October 9, Bolivian President René Barrientos ordered that Guevara be killed. The order was relayed to the Guevara holding unit by Félix Rodríguez reportedly despite the United States government's desire that Guevara be taken to Panama for further interrogation.  The executioner who volunteered to kill Guevara was Mario Terán, a 27-year-old sergeant in the Bolivian army who while half-drunk requested to shoot Guevara because three of his friends from B Company, all with the same first name of "Mario" had been killed in a firefight several days earlier with Guevara's band of guerrillas.  To make the bullet wounds appear consistent with the story that the Bolivian government planned to release to the public, Félix Rodríguez ordered Terán not to shoot Guevara in the head, but to aim carefully to make it appear that Guevara had been killed in action during a clash with the Bolivian army.  Gary Prado, the Bolivian captain in command of the army company that captured Guevara, said that the reasons Barrientos ordered the immediate execution of Guevara were so there could be no possibility for Guevara to escape from prison, and also so there could be no drama of a public trial where adverse publicity might happen. 
About 30 minutes before Guevara was killed, Félix Rodríguez attempted to question him about the whereabouts of other guerrilla fighters who were currently at large, but Guevara continued to remain silent. Rodriguez, assisted by a few Bolivian soldiers, helped Guevara to his feet and took him outside the hut to parade him before other Bolivian soldiers where he posed with Guevara for a photo opportunity where one soldier took a photograph of Rodriguez and other soldiers standing alongside Guevara . Afterwards, Rodriguez told Guevara that he was going to be executed. A little later, Guevara was asked by one of the Bolivian soldiers guarding him if he was thinking about his own immortality. "No," he replied, "I'm thinking about the immortality of the revolution."  A few minutes later, Sergeant Terán entered the hut to shoot him, whereupon Guevara reportedly stood up and spoke to Terán what were his last words: "I know you've come to kill me. Shoot, coward! You are only going to kill a man! " Terán hesitated, then pointed his self-loading M2 carbine  at Guevara and opened fire, hitting him in the arms and legs.  Then, as Guevara writhed on the ground, apparently biting one of his wrists to avoid crying out, Terán fired another burst, fatally wounding him in the chest. Guevara was pronounced dead at 1:10 pm local time according to Rodriguez.  In all, Guevara was shot nine times by Terán. This included five times in his legs, once in the right shoulder and arm, and once in the chest and throat. 
Months earlier, during his last public declaration to the Tricontinental Conference,  Guevara had written his own epitaph, stating: "Wherever death may surprise us, let it be welcome, provided that this our battle cry may have reached some receptive ear and another hand may be extended to wield our weapons. " 
After his execution, Guevara's body was lashed to the landing skids of a helicopter and flown to nearby Vallegrande, where photographs were taken of him lying on a concrete slab in the laundry room of the Nuestra Señora de Malta.  Several witnesses were called to confirm his identity, key amongst them the British journalist Richard Gott, the only witness to have met Guevara when he was alive. Put on display, as hundreds of local residents filed past the body, Guevara's corpse was considered by many to represent a "Christ-like" visage, with some even surreptitiously clipping locks of his hair as divine relics.  Such comparisons were further extended when English art critic John Berger, two weeks later upon seeing the post-mortem photographs, observed that they resembled two famous paintings: Rembrandt's The Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp and Andrea Mantegna's Lamentation over the Dead Christ.  There were also four correspondents present when Guevara's body arrived in Vallegrande, including Björn Kumm of the Swedish Aftonbladet, who described the scene in a 11 November 1967, exclusive for The New Republic. 
A declassified memorandum dated 11 October 1967 to United States President Lyndon B. Johnson from his National Security Advisor Walt Whitman Rostow, called the decision to kill Guevara "stupid" but "understandable from a Bolivian standpoint." After the execution, Rodriguez took several of Guevara's personal items, including a watch which he continued to wear many years later, often showing them to reporters during the ensuing years.  Today, some of these belongings, including his flashlight, are on display at the CIA.  After a military doctor dismembered his hands, Bolivian army officers transferred Guevara's body to an undisclosed location and refused to reveal whether his remains had been buried or cremated. The hands were sent to Buenos Aires for fingerprint identification. They were later sent to Cuba. 
On October 15 in Havana, Fidel Castro publicly acknowledged that Guevara was dead and proclaimed three days of public mourning throughout Cuba.  On October 18, Castro addressed a crowd of one million mourners in Havana's Plaza de la Revolución and spoke about Guevara's character as a revolutionary.  Fidel Castro closed his impassioned eulogy thus:
If we wish to express what we want the men of future generations to be, we must say: Let them be like Che! If we wish to say how we want our children to be educated, we must say without hesitation: We want them to be educated in Che's spirit! If we want the model of a man, who does not belong to our times but to the future, I say from the depths of my heart that such a model, without a single stain on his conduct, without a single stain on his action, is Che! 
Also removed when Guevara was captured were his 30,000-word, hand-written diary, a collection of his personal poetry, and a short story he had authored about a young Communist guerrilla who learns to overcome his fears.  His diary documented events of the guerrilla campaign in Bolivia,  with the first entry on 7 November 1966, shortly after his arrival at the farm in Ñancahuazú, and the last dated 7 October 1967, the day before his capture. The diary tells how the guerrillas were forced to begin operations prematurely because of discovery by the Bolivian Army, explains Guevara's decision to divide the column into two units that were subsequently unable to re-establish contact, and describes their overall unsuccessful venture. It also records the rift between Guevara and the Communist Party of Bolivia that resulted in Guevara having significantly fewer soldiers than originally expected, and shows that Guevara had a great deal of difficulty recruiting from the local population, partly because the guerrilla group had learned Quechua, unaware that the local language was actually a Tupí – Guaraní language.  As the campaign drew to an unexpected close, Guevara became increasingly ill. He suffered from ever-worsening bouts of asthma, and most of his last offensives were carried out in an attempt to obtain medicine.  The Bolivian diary was quickly and crudely translated by Ramparts magazine and circulated around the world.  There are at least four additional diaries in existence — those of Israel Reyes Zayas (aka "Braulio"), Harry Villegas Tamayo ("Pombo"), Eliseo Reyes Rodriguez ("Rolando")  and Dariel Alarcón Ramírez ( "Benign")  —each of which reveals additional aspects of the events.
French intellectual Régis Debray, who was captured in April 1967 while with Guevara in Bolivia, gave an interview from prison in August 1968, in which he enlarged on the circumstances of Guevara's capture. Debray, who had lived with Guevara's band of guerrillas for a short time, said that in his view they were "victims of the forest" and thus "eaten by the jungle".  Debray described a destitute situation where Guevara's men suffered malnutrition, lack of water, absence of shoes, and only possessed six blankets for 22 men. Debray recounts that Guevara and the others had been suffering an "illness" which caused their hands and feet to swell into "mounds of flesh" to the point where you could not discern the fingers on their hands. Debray described Guevara as "optimistic about the future of Latin America" despite the futile situation, and remarked that Guevara was "resigned to die in the knowledge that his death would be a sort of renaissance", noting that Guevara perceived death "as a promise. of rebirth "and" ritual of renewal ". 
To a certain extent, this belief by Guevara of a metaphorical resurrection came true. While pictures of the dead Guevara were being circulated and the circumstances of his death were being debated, Che's legend began to spread. Demonstrations in protest against his "assassination" occurred throughout the world, and articles, tributes, and poems were written about his life and death.  Rallies in support of Guevara were held from "Mexico to Santiago, Algiers to Angola, and Cairo to Calcutta".  The population of Budapest and Prague lit candles to honor Guevara's passing and the picture of a smiling Che appeared in London and Paris.  When a few months later riots broke out in Berlin, France, and Chicago, and the unrest spread to the American college campuses, young men and women wore Che Guevara T-shirts and carried his pictures during their protest marches. In the view of military historian Erik Durschmied: "In those heady months of 1968, Che Guevara was not dead. He was very much alive." 
Retrieval of remains
In late 1995, the retired Bolivian General Mario Vargas revealed to Jon Lee Anderson, author of Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life, that Guevara's corpse lay near a Vallegrande airstrip. The result was a multi-national search for the remains, which lasted more than a year. In July 1997 a team of Cuban geologists and Argentine forensic anthropologists discovered the remnants of seven bodies in two mass graves, including one man without hands (as Guevara would have been). Bolivian government officials with the Ministry of Interior later identified the body as Guevara when the excavated teeth "perfectly matched" a plaster mold of Che's teeth made in Cuba prior to his Congolese expedition. The "clincher" then arrived when Argentine forensic anthropologist Alejandro Inchaurregui inspected the inside hidden pocket of a blue jacket dug up next to the handless corpse and found a small bag of pipe tobacco. Nino de Guzman, the Bolivian helicopter pilot who had given Che a small bag of tobacco, later remarked that he "had serious doubts" at first and "thought the Cubans would just find any old bones and call it Che" but "after hearing about the tobacco pouch, I have no doubts. "  On 17 October 1997, Guevara's remains, with those of six of his fellow combatants, were laid to rest with military honors in a specially built mausoleum in the Cuban city of Santa Clara, where he had commanded over the decisive military victory of the Cuban Revolution. 
In July 2008, the Bolivian government of Evo Morales unveiled Guevara’s formerly-sealed diaries composed in two frayed notebooks, along with a logbook and several black-and-white photographs. At this event Bolivia’s vice-minister of culture, Pablo Groux, expressed that there were plans to publish photographs of every handwritten page later in the year.  Meanwhile, in August 2009 anthropologists working for Bolivia's Justice Ministry discovered and unearthed the bodies of five of Guevara's fellow guerrillas near the Bolivian town of Teoponte. 
The discovery of Che's remains metonymically activated a series of interlinked associations — rebel, martyr, rogue figure from a picaresque adventure, savior, renegade, extremist — in which there was no fixed divide among them. The current court of opinion places Che on a continuum that teeters between viewing him as a misguided rebel, a coruscatingly brilliant guerrilla philosopher, a poet-warrior jousting at windmills, a brazen warrior who threw down the gauntlet to the bourgeoisie, the object of fervent paeans to his sainthood, or a mass murderer clothed in the guise of an avenging angel whose every action is imbricated in violence — the archetypal Fanatical Terrorist.
Guevara's life and legacy remain contentious. The perceived contradictions of his ethos at various points in his life have created a complex character of duality, one who was "able to wield the pen and submachine gun with equal skill", while prophesying that "the most important revolutionary ambition was to see man liberated from his alienation ".   Guevara's paradoxical standing is further complicated by his array of seemingly diametrically opposed qualities. A secular humanist and sympathetic practitioner of medicine who did not hesitate to shoot his enemies, a celebrated internationalist leader who advocated violence to enforce a utopian philosophy of the collective good, an idealistic intellectual who loved literature but refused to allow dissent, an anti-imperialist Marxist insurgent who was radically willing to forge a poverty-less new world on the apocalyptic ashes of the old one, and finally, an outspoken anti-capitalist whose image has been commoditized. Che’s history continues to be rewritten and re-imagined.   Moreover, sociologist Michael Löwy contends that the many facets of Guevara's life (ie doctor and economist, revolutionary and banker, military theoretician and ambassador, deep thinker and political agitator) illuminated the rise of the "Che myth", allowing him to be invariably crystallized in his many metanarrative roles as a "Red Robin Hood, Don Quixote of communism, new Garibaldi, Marxist Saint Just, Cid Campeador of the Wretched of the Earth, Sir Galahad of the beggars. and Bolshevik devil who haunts the dreams of the rich, kindling braziers of subversion all over the world ". 
As such, various notable individuals have lauded Guevara for example, Nelson Mandela referred to him as "an inspiration for every human being who loves freedom",  while Jean-Paul Sartre described him as "not only an intellectual but also the most complete human being of our age ".  Others who have expressed their admiration include authors Graham Greene, who remarked that Guevara "represented the idea of gallantry, chivalry, and adventure,"  and Susan Sontag, who supposed that "[Che's] goal was nothing less than the cause of humanity itself. "  In the Pan-African community philosopher Frantz Fanon professed Guevara to be "the world symbol of the possibilities of one man",  while Black Power leader Stokely Carmichael eulogized that "Che Guevara is not dead, his ideas are with us. "  Praise has been reflected throughout the political spectrum, with libertarian theorist Murray Rothbard extolling Guevara as a "heroic figure" who "more than any man of our epoch or even of our century, was the living embodiment of the principle of revolution". ,  while journalist Christopher Hitchens reminisced that "[Che's] death meant a lot to me and countless like me at the time, he was a role model, albeit an impossible one for us bourgeois romantics insofar as he went and did what revolutionaries were meant to do — fought and died for his beliefs. " 
Conversely, Jacobo Machover, an exiled opposition author, dismisses all praise of Guevara and portrays him as a callous executioner.  Exiled former Cuban prisoners have expressed similar opinions, among them Armando Valladares, who declared Guevara "a man full of hatred" who executed dozens without trial,  and Carlos Alberto Montaner, who asserted that Guevara possessed "a Robespierre mentality ", wherein cruelty against the revolution's enemies was a virtue.  Álvaro Vargas Llosa of The Independent Institute has hypothesized that Guevara's contemporary followers "delude themselves by clinging to a myth", describing Guevara as a "Puritan Marxist" who employed his rigid power to suppress dissent, while also operating as a "cold -blooded killing machine ".  Llosa also accuses Guevara's "fanatical disposition" as being the linchpin of the "Sovietization" of the Cuban revolution, speculating that he possessed a "total subordination of reality to blind ideological orthodoxy".  On a macro-level, Hoover Institution research fellow William Ratliff regards Guevara more as a creation of his historical environment, referring to him as a "fearless" and "head-strong Messiah-like figure", who was the product of a martyr-enamored Latin American culture which "inclined people to seek out and follow paternalistic miracle workers".  Ratliff further speculates that the economic conditions in the region suited Guevara's commitment to "bring justice to the downtrodden by crushing centuries-old tyrannies" describing Latin America as being plagued by what Moisés Naím referred to as the "legendary malignancies" of inequality , poverty, dysfunctional politics and malfunctioning institutions. 
In a mixed assessment, British historian Hugh Thomas opined that Guevara was a "brave, sincere and determined man who was also obstinate, narrow, and dogmatic".  At the end of his life, according to Thomas, "he seems to have become convinced of the virtues of violence for his own sake", while "his influence over Castro for good or evil" grew after his death, as Fidel took up many of his views.  Similarly, the Cuban-American sociologist Samuel Farber praises Che Guevara as "an honest and committed revolutionary", but also criticizes the fact that "he never embraced socialism in its most democratic essence".  Nevertheless, Guevara remains a national hero in Cuba, where his image adorns the 3 peso banknote and school children begin each morning by pledging "We will be like Che."   In his homeland of Argentina, where high schools bear his name,  numerous Che museums dot the country and in 2008 a 12-foot (3.7 m) bronze statue of him was unveiled in the city of his birth, Rosario.  Guevara has been sanctified by some Bolivian peasants  as "Saint Ernesto", who prayed to him for assistance.  In contrast, Guevara remains a hated figure amongst many in the Cuban exile and Cuban-American community of the United States, who view him as "the butcher of La Cabaña".  Despite this polarized status, a high-contrast monochrome graphic of Che's face, created in 1968 by Irish artist Jim Fitzpatrick, became a universally merchandized and objectified image,   found on an endless array of items, including T-shirts, hats, posters, tattoos, and bikinis,  contributing to the consumer culture Guevara despised. Yet, he still remains a transcendent figure both in specifically political contexts  and as a wide-ranging popular icon of youthful rebellion. 
Guevara received several honors of state during his life.
- Guevara addressing the United Nations General Assembly on 11 December 1964, (6:21), public domain footage uploaded by the UN, video clip
- Guevara interviewed by Face the Nation on 13 December 1964, (29:11), from CBS, video clip
- Guevara interviewed in 1964 on a visit to Dublin, Ireland, (2:53), English translation, from RTÉ Libraries and Archives, video clip
- Guevara reciting a poem, (0:58), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend - Kultur Video 2001, video clip
- Guevara showing support for Fidel Castro, (0:22), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend - Kultur Video 2001, video clip
- Guevara speaking about labor, (0:28), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend - Kultur Video 2001, video clip
- Guevara speaking about the Bay of Pigs, (0:17), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend - Kultur Video 2001, video clip
- Guevara speaking against imperialism, (1:20), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend - Kultur Video 2001, video clip
- Guevara interviewed in Paris and speaking French in 1964, (4:47), English subtitles, interviewed by Jean Dumur, video clip
- A New Society: Reflections for Today's World, Ocean Press, 1996, ISBN1-875284-06-0
- Back on the Road: A Journey Through Latin America, Grove Press, 2002, 0-8021-3942-6
- Che Guevara, Cuba, and the Road to Socialism, Pathfinder Press, 1991, 0-87348-643-9
- Che Guevara on Global Justice, Ocean Press (AU), 2002, 1-876175-45-1
- Che Guevara: Radical Writings on Guerrilla Warfare, Politics and Revolution, Filiquarian Publishing, 2006, 1-59986-999-3
- Che Guevara Reader: Writings on Politics & Revolution, Ocean Press, 2003, 1-876175-69-9
- Che Guevara Speaks: Selected Speeches and Writings, Pathfinder Press (NY), 1980, 0-87348-602-1
- Che Guevara Talks to Young People, Pathfinder, 2000, 0-87348-911-X
- Che: The Diaries of Ernesto Che Guevara, Ocean Press (AU), 2008, 1-920888-93-4
- Colonialism is Doomed, Ministry of External Relations: Republic of Cuba, 1964, ASIN B0010AAN1K
- Congo Diary: The Story of Che Guevara's "Lost" Year in Africa Ocean Press, 2011, 978-0-9804292-9-9
- Critical Notes on Political Economy: A Revolutionary Humanist Approach to Marxist Economics, Ocean Press, 2008, 1-876175-55-9
- Diary of a Combatant: The Diary of the Revolution that Made Che Guevara a Legend, Ocean Press, 2013, 978-0-9870779-4-3
- Episodes of the Cuban Revolutionary War, 1956–58, Pathfinder Press (NY), 1996, 0-87348-824-5
- Guerrilla Warfare: Authorized Edition, Ocean Press, 2006, 1-920888-28-4
- Latin America: Awakening of a Continent, Ocean Press, 2005, 1-876175-73-7
- Latin America Diaries: The Sequel to The Motorcycle Diaries, Ocean Press, 2011, 978-0-9804292-7-5
- Marx & Engels: An Introduction, Ocean Press, 2007, 1-920888-92-6
- Our America And Theirs: Kennedy And The Alliance For Progress, Ocean Press, 2006, 1-876175-81-8
- Reminiscences of the Cuban Revolutionary War: Authorized Edition, Ocean Press, 2005, 1-920888-33-0
- Self Portrait Che Guevara, Ocean Press (AU), 2004, 1-876175-82-6
- Socialism and Man in Cuba, Pathfinder Press (NY), 1989, 0-87348-577-7
- The African Dream: The Diaries of the Revolutionary War in the Congo, Grove Press, 2001, 0-8021-3834-9
- The Argentina, Ocean Press (AU), 2008, 1-920888-93-4
- The Awakening of Latin America: Writings, Letters and Speeches on Latin America, 1950–67, Ocean Press, 2012, 978-0-9804292-8-2
- The Bolivian Diary of Ernesto Che Guevara, Pathfinder Press, 1994, 0-87348-766-4
- The Great Debate on Political Economy, Ocean Press, 2006, 1-876175-54-0
- The Motorcycle Diaries: A Journey Around South America, London: Verso, 1996, 1-85702-399-4
- The Secret Papers of a Revolutionary: The Diary of Che Guevara, American Reprint Co., 1975, ASIN B0007GW08W
- To Speak the Truth: Why Washington's "Cold War" Against Cuba Doesn't End, Pathfinder, 1993, 0-87348-633-1
- "Che Guevara." archive.nytimes.com.
- ^ United Party of the Socialist Revolution of Cuba, a.k.a. PURSC.
- ^How to pronounce Che Guevara - Forvo features various sound clips of international Spanish speakers enunciating his name.
- ^ ofb The date of birth recorded on his birth certificate was 14 June 1928, although one tertiary source, (Julia Constenla, quoted by Jon Lee Anderson), asserts that he was actually born on 14 May of that year. Constenla alleges that she was told by Che's mother, Celia de la Serna, that she was already pregnant when she and Ernesto Guevara Lynch were married and that the date on the birth certificate of their son was forged to make it appear that he was born a month later than the actual date to avoid scandal. (Anderson 1997, pp. 3, 769.)
- ^Casey 2009, pp. 128.
- ^ ofbcOn Revolutionary Medicine Speech by Che Guevara to the Cuban Militia on 19 August 1960. "Because of the circumstances in which I traveled, first as a student and later as a doctor, I came into close contact with poverty, hunger and disease with the inability to treat a child because of lack of money with the stupefaction provoked by the continual hunger and punishment, to the point that a father can accept the loss of a son as an unimportant accident, as often occurs in the downtrodden classes of our American homeland. And I began to realize at that time that there were things that were almost as important to me as becoming famous or making a significant contribution to medical science: I wanted to help those people. "
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 90-91.
- ^Beaubien, NPR Audio Report, 2009, 00: 09–00: 13.
- ^ ofbcde"Castro's Brain", 1960.
- ^ ofbcdeTaibo 1999, pp. 267.
- ^ ofbcKellner 1989, pp. 69–70.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 526–530.
- ^"On Development" Speech delivered by Che Guevara at the plenary session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in Geneva, Switzerland on 25 March 1964. "The inflow of capital from the developed countries is the prerequisite for the establishment of economic dependence. This inflow takes various forms: loans granted on onerous terms investments that place a given country in the power of the investors almost total technological subordination of the dependent country to the developed country control of a country's foreign trade by the big international monopolies and in extreme cases , the use of force as an economic weapon in support of the other forms of exploitation. "
- ^At the Afro-Asian Conference in Algeria A speech by Che Guevara to the Second Economic Seminar of Afro-Asian Solidarity in Algiers, Algeria on 24 February 1965. "The struggle against imperialism, for liberation from colonial or neocolonial shackles, which is being carried out by means of political weapons, arms, or a combination of the two, is not separate from the struggle against backwardness and poverty.Both are stages on the same road leading toward the creation of a new society of justice and plenty .. Ever since monopoly capital took over the world, it has kept the greater part of humanity in poverty, dividing all the profits among the group of the most powerful countries.The standard of living in those countries is based on the extreme poverty of our countries.To raise the living standards of the underdeveloped nations, therefore, we must fight against imperialism .. The practice of proletarian internationalism is not only a duty for the peoples struggling for a better future, it is also an inescapable necessity. "
- ^ Guevara was coordinating with African liberation movements in exile such as the MPLA in Angola and MNR in Congo-Brazzaville, while stating that Africa represented one of "the most important fields of struggle against all forms of exploitation existing in the world." Guevara then envisioned crafting an alliance with African leaders such as Ahmed Ben Bella in Algeria, Sékou Touré in Guinea, Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, and Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt, to foster a global dimension to his ensuing continental revolution in Latin America. See Anderson 1997, pp. 576, 584.
- ^Ryan 1998, p.4.
- ^ Footnote for Socialism and man in Cuba (1965): "Che argued that the full liberation of humankind is reached when work becomes a social duty carried out with complete satisfaction and sustained by a value system that contributes to the realization of conscious action in performing tasks. This could only be achieved by systematic education, acquired by passing through various stages in which collective action is increased. Che recognized that this to be difficult and time-consuming. In his desire to speed up this process, however, he developed methods of mobilizing people, bringing together their collective. Among the most significant of these instruments were moral and material incentives, while deepening consciousness as a way of developing toward socialism. Homage to Emulation Prize Winners (1962) and A New Attitude to Work (1964)."
- ^Dorfman 1999.
- ^ Maryland Institute of Art, referenced at BBC News 26 May 2001.
- ^ In Spanish a person may carry the surname of his or her father as well as that of his or her mother, albeit in that order. Some people carry both, others only that of their father. In Guevara's case, many people of Irish descent will add "Lynch" to emphasize his Irish relations. Others will add "de la Serna" to give respect to Guevara's mother.
- ^Guevara Lynch 2007, pp. I. "The father of Che Guevara, Ernesto Guevara Lynch was born in Argentina in 1900 of Irish and Basque origin."
- ^The Origins of Guevara's Name - written in Spanish
- ^ Che's last name Guevara derives from the Castilianized form of the BasqueGebara, a habitational name from the province of Álava, while his grandmother, Ana Lynch, was a descendant of Patrick Lynch, who emigrated from County Galway, Ireland in the 1740s.
- ^Online Archive of California: Pinedo Family Papers from the Santa Clara University Library, 2015
- ^Mercury NewsFundraiser for Friends of Peralta Hacienda Historical Park by Angela Woodall, Oakland Tribune, 23 November 2010
- ^Lavretsky 1976.
- ^Kellner 1989, p. 23.
- ^Argentina: Che's Red MotherTime Magazine, 14 July 1961.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 22–23.
- ^Sandison 1996, pp. 8.
- ^Kellner 1989, p. 24.
- ^Argentina Rugby Inspired by Che Guevara by Brendan Gallagher, The Daily Telegraph, 5 October 2007
- ^ Cain, Nick & Growden, Greg. "Chapter 21: Ten Peculiar Facts about Rugby" in Rugby Union for Dummies (2nd Edition), John Wiley and Sons 978-0-470-03537-5, pp. 293.
- ^Anderson 1997, p.28.
- ^ ofbHart 2004, p.98.
- ^Haney 2005, pp. 164.
- ^ ofbcd (Anderson 1997, pp. 37–38).
- ^Sandison 1996, pp. 10.
- ^Kellner 1989, p. 26.
- Harris, Richard Legé (2011). Che Guevara: A Biography. ABC-CLIO. ISBN978-0-313-35916-3.
- ^Ratner 1997, p. 25.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 89.
- ^Anderson 1997, p.64.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 59–64.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 83.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 75–76.
- ^ ofbKellner 1989, pp. 27.
- ^ NYT bestseller list: # 38 Paperback Nonfiction on 2005-02-20, # 9 Nonfiction on 2004-10-07 and on more occasions.
- ^A Very Modern Icon by George Galloway, New Statesman, 12 June 2006
- ^Che Guevara spent time in MiamiArchived 4 February 2013 at archive.today by Alfonso Chardy, The Miami Herald 8 July 2008
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 98.
- ^ A copy of Guevara's University transcripts showing conferral of his medical diploma can be found on page 75 of Becoming Che: Guevara's Second and Final Trip through Latin America, by Carlos 'Calica' Ferrer (Translated from the Spanish by Sarah L. Smith), Marea Editorial, 2006, 987-1307-07-1. Ferrer was a longtime childhood friend of Che, and when Guevara passed the last of his 12 exams in 1953, he gave him a copy to prove to Ferrer, who had been telling Guevara that he would never finish, that he had finally completed his studies. .
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 126.
- ^Taibo 1999, pp. 31.
- ^Kellner 1989, p. 31.
- ^ ofbGuevara Lynch 2000, p. 26.
- ^Ignacio 2007, pp. 172.
- Anderson, Jon (2010). Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life. New York, New York: Grove / Atlantic, Inc. pp. 139. ISBN978-0-802-19725-2. Retrieved 25 July 2015.
- ^ "Anderson (2010)", p 126
- "Poetry of Che is presented with great success in Guatemala". Cuba Headlines. 26 November 2007.
- ^Immerman 1982, pp. 155–160.
- ^Immerman 1982, pp. 161-163.
- ^Gleijeses 1991, pp. 345–349.
- ^Gleijeses 1991, pp. 354–357.
- ^Immerman 1982, pp. 198–201.
- ^Cullather 2006, pp. 113.
- ^Gleijeses 1991, pp. 382.
- ^ ofbKellner 1989, pp. 32.
- ^Taibo 1999, pp. 39.
- ^Che Guevara 1960–67 by Frank E. Smitha.
- Sinclair, Andrew (1970). Che Guevara . The Viking Press. pp. 12.
- Manzanos, Rosario (8 October 2012). "Documentary about Che Guevara, doctor in Mexico". Process (in Spanish). Retrieved 1 July 2016.
- "BIOGRAPHY OF ERNESTO CHE GUEVARA Che Guevara Foundation, FUNCHE" (PDF) (in Spanish). educarchile.cl. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 August 2016. Retrieved 1 July 2016.
- "FIDEL Y HANK: PASAJES DE LA REVOLUCIÓN" (in Spanish). lagacetametropolitana.com. Archived from the original on 4 January 2017. Retrieved 1 July 2016.
- ^Kellner 1989, p. 33.
- ^ ofbRebel Wife, A Review of My Life With Che: The Making of a Revolutionary by Hilda Gadea by Tom Gjelten, The Washington Post, 12 October 2008.
- ^Taibo 1999, pp. 55.
- ^Fidel and Che: A Revolutionary Friendship by Simon Reid-Henry audio slideshow by The Guardian, 9 January 2009
- ^Sandison 1996, pp. 28.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 37.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 194.
- ^ Snow, Anita. "'My Life With Che' by Hilda GadeaArchived 2012-12-05 at archive.today". Associated Press at WJXX-TV. 16 August 2008 retrieved 23 February 2009.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 213.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 211.
- ^Sandison 1996, pp. 32.
- ^DePalma 2006, pp. 110–11.
- ^ ofbcLatin lessons: What can we Learn from the World's most Ambitious Literacy Campaign? by The Independent, 7 November 2010
- ^ ofbKellner 1989, p. 45.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 269–270.
- ^Castañeda 1998, pp. 105, 119.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 237–238, 269–270, 277–278.
- ^ ofbcLuther 2001, pp. 97–99.
- ^ ofbcAnderson 1997, pp. 237.
- ^Sandison 1996, pp. 35.
- ^Cuba Remembers Che Guevara 40 Years after his FallArchived 13 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine by Rosa Tania Valdes, Reuters, 8 October 2007
- ^Ignacio 2007, pp. 177.
- ^Ignacio 2007, pp. 193.
- ^Poster Boy of The Revolution by Saul Landau, The Washington Post, 19 October 1997, pp. X01.
- Moore, Don. "Revolution! Clandestine Radio and the Rise of Fidel Castro". Patepluma Radio.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 42.
- ^Bockman 1984.
- ^Kellner 1989, p.40.
- ^ ofbKellner 1989, pp. 47.
- ^Castro 1972, pp. 439–442.
- ^Dorschner 1980, pp. 41–47, 81–87.
- ^Sandison 1996, pp. 39.
- ^Kellner 1989, p. 48.
- ^Kellner 1989, p. 13.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 51.
- ^ Castañeda, pp. 145–146.
- ^ ofb Castañeda, pp. 146.
- ^Anderson 1997, 397.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 400–401.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 424.
- ^ Castañeda, pp. 159.
- ^ (Castañeda 1998, pp. 264–265).
- ^ ofbSkidmore 2008, pp. 273.
- ^Gómez Treto 1991, p. 115. "The Penal Law of the War of Independence (July 28, 1896) was reinforced by Rule 1 of the Penal Regulations of the Rebel Army, approved in the Sierra Maestra February 21, 1958, and published in the army's official bulletin (Ley penal de Cuba en armas, 1959) "(Gómez Treto 1991, p. 123).
- ^Gómez Treto 1991, pp. 115–116.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 372, 425.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 376.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 52.
- ^Niess 2007, p. 60.
- ^Gómez Treto 1991, pp. 116.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 388.
- ^Rally For Castro: One Million Roar "Si" To Cuba Executions - Video Clip by Universal-International News, narrated by Ed Herlihy, from 22 January 1959
- ^Conflict, Order, and Peace in the Americas, by the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs, 1978, pp. 121. "The US-supported Batista regime killed 20,000 Cubans"
- ^The World Guide 1997/98: A View from the South, by University of Texas, 1997, 1-869847-43-1, pg 209. "Batista engineered yet another coup, establishing a dictatorial regime, which was responsible for the death of 20,000 Cubans."
- ^Fidel: The Untold Story. (2001). Directed by Estela Bravo. First Run Features. (91 min). Viewable clip. "An estimated 20,000 people were murdered by government forces during the Batista dictatorship."
- ^Niess 2007, pp. 61.
- ^ ofbcCastañeda 1998, pp. 143–144.
- ^The Legacy of Che Guevara - a PBS online forum with author Jon Lee Anderson, 20 November 1997
- ^ Different sources cite differing numbers of executions attributable to Guevara, with some of the discrepancy resulting from the question of which deaths to attribute directly to Guevara and which to the regime as a whole. Anderson (1997) gives the number specifically at La Cabaña prison as 55 (p. 387.), while also stating that "several hundred people were officially tried and executed across Cuba" as a whole (p. 387). (Castañeda 1998) notes that historians differ on the total number killed, with different studies placing it as anywhere from 200 to 700 nationwide (p. 143), although he notes that "after a certain date most of the executions occurred outside of Che's jurisdiction "(p. 143). These numbers are supported by the opposition-based Free Society Project / Cuba Archive, which gives the figure as 144 executions ordered by Guevara across Cuba in three years (1957–1959) and 105 "victims" specifically at La Cabaña, which according to them were all "carried out without due process of law". Of further note, much of the discrepancy in the estimates between 55 versus 105 executed at La Cabaña revolves around whether to include instances where Guevara had denied an appeal and signed off on a death warrant, but where the sentence was carried out while he traveled overseas from 4 June to 8 September, or after he relinquished his command of the fortress on 12 June 1959.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 375.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 54.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 57.
- ^ ofbcKellner 1989, pp. 58.
- ^Taibo 1999, pp. 282–285.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 423.
- Ramadhian Fadillah (13 June 2012). "Soekarno soal cerutu Kuba, Che dan Castro" (in Indonesian). Merdeka.com. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
- ^ ofbAnderson 1997, pp. 431.
- ^Taibo 1999, pp. 300.
- ^Che Guevara's Daughter Visits Bomb Memorial in Hiroshima by The Japan Times, 16 May 2008
- ^ ofbAnderson 1997, pp. 435.
- ^Casey 2009, p. 25.
- ^Casey 2009, pp. 25–50.
- ^ ofbKellner 1989, p 55.
- ^Latin America's New Look at Che by Daniel Schweimler, BBC News, 9 October 2007.
- ^ ofbcKellner 1989, pp. 61.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 449
- ^ ofbcdNotes for the Study of the Ideology of the Cuban Revolution by Che Guevara, published in Olive Green, October 8, 1960
- ^Cuba: A Dissenting Report, by Samuel Shapiro, New Republic, 12 September 1960, pp. 8-26, 21.
- ^Man and Socialism in CubaArchived 2010-11-28 at the Wayback Machine by Che Guevara
- "Ernesto" Che "Guevara".
- ^ ofbCrompton 2009, pp. 71.
- ^ ofbKellner 1989, p. 60.
- ^Dumur 1964 to 1964 video interview of Che Guevara speaking French (with English subtitles).
- ^ ofbcdeHansing 2002, pp. 41–42.
- ^ ofbcd"Socialism and Man in Cuba" A letter to Carlos Quijano, editor of marcha, a weekly newspaper published in Montevideo, Uruguay published as "From Algiers, for Marcha: The Cuban Revolution Today" by Che Guevara on 12 March 1965.
- ^ ofbcdeKellner 1989, p.62.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 59.
- ^PBS: Che Guevara, Popular but Ineffective.
- ^Kellner 1989, p.75.
- "Latin America Report" (JPRS – LAM – 84–037). Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS). 23 March 1984: 24. Retrieved 30 October 2010. Cite journal requires | journal = (help)
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 63.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 74.
- ^Taibo 1999, pp. 269.
- ^Taibo 1999, pp. 306.
- ^ ofbcVargas Llosa 2005.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 507.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 509.
- ^ ofb"Economics Cannot be Separated from Politics" speech by Che Guevara to the ministerial meeting of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council (CIES), in Punta del Este, Uruguay on 8 August 1961.
- ^Kellner 1989, p.78.
- ^ ofbchttp://americancentury.omeka.wlu.edu/files/original/3e027f808b843322ec9f28e8e78e93b7.pdf
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 492.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 530.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 545.
- ^Guevara 1997, p 304
- ^Kellner 1989, p 73.
- ^ ofbcde"Colonialism is Doomed" speech to the 19th General Assembly of the United Nations in New York City by Cuban representative Che Guevara on 11 December 1964.
- ^ ofbBazooka Fired at UN as Cuban Speaks by Homer Bigart, The New York Times, 12 December 1964, p.1.
- ^CBS Video of Che Guevara being interviewed by Face the Nation on 13 December 1964, (29:11)
- ^Hart 2004, pp. 271.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 618.
- "Che Guevara: Father Of Revolution, Son Of Galway". Fantompowa.net. Retrieved 31 October 2010.
- ^Gerry Adams Featured in New Che Guevara Documentary by Kenneth Haynes, Irish Central, 8 September 2009
- ^Guevara 1969, pp. 350.
- Guevara, Che. "Che Guevara At the Afro-Asian Conference in Algeria". marxists.org. Retrieved 4 November 2018.
- ^Guevara 1969, pp. 352–59.
- ^ ofbMessage to the Tricontinental (1967) A letter sent by Che Guevara from his jungle camp in Bolivia, to the Tricontinental Solidarity Organization in Havana, Cuba, in the Spring of 1967.
- ^ ofbBrand Che: Revolutionary as Marketer's Dream by Michiko Kakutani, The New York Times, 20 April 2009
- ^ ofbcdErnesto 'Che' Guevara: A Rebel Against Soviet Political Economy by Helen Yaffe (author of Che Guevara: The Economics of Revolution), 2006
- ^Abrams 2010, pp. 100
- ^Abrams 2010, pp. 103.
- ^Guevara 1965.
- ^Excerpt from Che's Passages of the Revolutionary War (Congo) February 1965, hosted at the Wilson Center Digital Archive
- ^Ben Bella 1997.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 624.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 629.
- ^Gálvez 1999, pp. 62.
- ^Gott 2004 pp. 219.
- ^Kellner 1989, p.86.
- ^DR Congo's Rebel-Turned-Brain Surgeon by Mark Doyle, BBC World Affairs, 13 December 2005.
- ^BBC News 17 January 2001.
- ^ "The intercept operators knew that Dar-es-Salaam was serving as a communications center for the fighters, receiving messages from Castro in Cuba and relaying them on to the guerrillas deep in the bush." (Bamford 2002, p. 181)
- ^Ireland's Own 2000.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 87.
- ^From Cuba to Congo, Dream to Disaster for Che Guevara by The Guardian, 12 August 2000
- ^Guevara 2000, p. 1.
- ^Castañeda 1998, pp. 316.
- ^Che Guevara's Central Bohemian Hideaway article and audio by Ian Willoughby, Český rozhlas, 27 June 2010
- O'Donnell, Pacho. "Perón's Opinions on Che." Page / 12 (in Spanish). Retrieved 23 May 2015.
- ^Guevara 2009, pp. 167.
- ^Mittleman 1981, pp. 38.
- ^ Jacobson, Sid and Ernie Colón. Che: A Graphic Biography. Hill and Wang, 2009. 96–97.
- ^ Jacobson, Sid and Ernie Colón. Che: A Graphic Biography. Hill and Wang, 2009. 98.
- ^ ofbSelvage 1985.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 693.
- ^Members of Che Guevara's Guerrilla Movement in Bolivia by the Latin American Studies Organization
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 97.
- ^ "Bidding for Che", Time Magazine, 15 December 1967.
- ^US Army 1967 and Ryan 1998, pp. 82–102, among others. "US military personnel in Bolivia never exceeded 53 advisers, including a sixteen-man Mobile Training Team from the 8th Special Forces Group based at Fort Gulick, Panama Canal Zone" (Selvage 1985).
- ^Guevara 1972.
- ^Castañeda 1998, pp. 107–112 131–132.
- ^Wright 2000, p.86.
- ^Rodriguez and Weisman 1989.
- ^Barbie "Boasted of Hunting Down Che" by David Smith, The Observer, 23 December 2007.
- ^Green Beret Behind the Capture of Che Guevara by Richard Gott, The Age, 8 September 2010
- Rothman, Lily (9 October 2017). "Read TIME's Original Report on the Death of Che Guevara". Time . Retrieved 9 October 2020.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 733.
- ^ ofbGuevara 2009, pp. II.
- ^ ofb "The Man Who Buried CheArchived 2008-12-07 at the Wayback Machine" by Juan O. Tamayo, Miami Herald, 19 September 1997.
- ^ ofbcde
- Ray, Michèle (March 1968). "In Cold Blood: The Execution of Che by the CIA". Ramparts Magazine. Edward M. Keating. pp. 21–37. Retrieved 29 October 2016.
- ^Grant 2007
- ^Grant 2007. René Barrientos has never revealed his motives for ordering the summary execution of Guevara rather than putting him on trial or expelling him from the country or turning him over to the United States authorities.
- ^ Almudevar, Lola. "Bolivia marks capture, execution of 'Che' Guevara 40 years ago", San Francisco Chronicle. 9 October 2007 retrieved 7 November 2009.
- ^Time magazine 1970.
- "The Death of Che Guevara: Declassified". The National Security Archive. Retrieved 24 January 2016.
- ^ ofbAnderson 1997, pp. 739.
- ^Obituary: Che Guevara, Marxist Architect of Revolution by Richard Bourne, The Guardian, 11 October 1967
- ^Almudevar 2007 and Gott 2005.
- ^Casey 2009, pp. 179.
- ^Casey 2009, pp. 183.
- ^The Death of Che Guevara by Bjorn Kumm, The New Republic, Originally published on 11 November 1967.
- ^Lacey 2007a.
- ^ After the Cuban revolution, seeing that Guevara had no watch, his friend Oscarito Fernández Mell gave him his own gold watch. Sometime later, Che handed him a piece of paper a receipt from the National Bank declaring that Mell had "donated" his gold wristband to Cuba's gold reserve. Guevara was still wearing his watch, but it now had a leather wristband (Anderson 1997, p. 503).
- ^Kornbluh 1997.
- Garza, Laura (18 December 1995). "Bolivian General Reveals Che Guevara's Burial Site". The Militant . Retrieved 10 February 2012.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 740.
- ^Anderson 1997, pp. 741.
- ^Kellner 1989, pp. 101.
- ^ "Bidding for Che", Time Magazine, 15 December 1967.
- ^Guevara 1967.
- ^Ryan 1998, p 45.
- ^Ryan 1998, pp. 104.
- ^Ryan 1998, pp. 148.
- ^Ramirez 1997.
- ^ ofb
- Nadle, Marlene (24 August 1968). "Régis Debray Speaks from Prison". Ramparts Magazine: 42.
- ^Durschmied 2002, pp. 307–09.
- ^Durschmied 2002, pp. 305.
- ^Durschmied 2002, pp. 305–06.
- ^Durschmied 2002, pp. 306.
- ^Cuba Salutes 'Che' Guevara: Revolutionary Icon Finally Laid to Rest, CNN, October 17, 1997
- ^Bolivia unveils original Che Guevara diary by Eduardo Garcia, Reuters, 7 July 2008.
- ^Slain Che Guevara Soldiers Found? video report by National Geographic, 21 August 2009.
- ^McLaren 2000, p. 7.
- ^ ofbLöwy 1973, p. 7.
- ^Löwy 1973, pp. 33.
- ^Löwy 1973, pp. 7, 9, 15, 25, 75, 106.
- ^The Spark That Doesn't Die by Michael Löwy, International Viewpoint, July 1997
- ^Moynihan 2006.
- ^Sinclair 1968/2006, p. 80.
- ^Sinclair 1968/2006, pp. 127.
- ^McLaren 2000, pp. 3.
- ^Sinclair 1968/2006, p.67.
- ^ "Ernesto Che Guevara R.I.P." by Rothbard, Murray, Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought, Volume 3, Number 3 (Spring-Autumn 1967).
- ^ ofbO'Hagan 2004.
- ^Behind Che Guevara's mask, the cold executionerArchived 21 November 2008 at the Wayback MachineTimes Online, 16 September 2007.
- ^"'Che' Spurs Debate, Del Toro Walkout", The Washington Times, 27 January 2009.
- ^Short interview on Che Guevara with Carlos Alberto Montaner for the Freedom Collection
- ^ ofbChe is the "Patron Saint" of Warfare by William Ratliff, The Independent Institute, 9 October 2007.
- ^ From the National Archives of Brazil.
- ^ ofbKellner 1989, pp. 106.
- Farber, Samuel (23 May 2016). "Assessing That." Jacobin.
- ^Che Guevara's Ideals Lose Ground in Cuba by Anthony Boadle, Reuters, 4 October 2007: "he is the poster boy of communist Cuba, held up as a selfless leader who set an example of voluntary work with his own sweat, pushing a wheelbarrow at a building site or cutting sugar cane in the fields with a machete . "
- ^People's Weekly 2004.
- ^Argentina pays belated homage to "Che" Guevara by Helen Popper, Reuters, 14 June 2008
- ^Statue for Che's '80th birthday' by Daniel Schweimler, BBC News, 15 June 2008.
- ^On a tourist trail in Bolivia's hills, Che's fame lives on By Hector Tobar, Los Angeles Times, 17 October 2004.
- ^Schipani 2007.
- ^Casey 2009, pp. 235, 325.
- ^BBC News 26 May 2001.
- ^ see also Che Guevara (photo).
- ^Lacey 2007b.
- ^BBC News 2007.
- ^ "" Che "Guevara, decorated by Czechoslovakia." A B C. October 29, 1960. Accessed October 13, 2014.
- ^ "Janio Condecora Guevara" (in Portuguese). Folha de S.Paulo. August 20, 1961. Accessed October 13, 2014.
- Abrams, Dennis (2010). Ernesto Che Guevara. Infobase Publishing. ISBN9781438134642.
- Almudevar, Lola (9 October 2007). "Bolivia marks capture, execution of 'Che' Guevara 40 years ago". SFGate . Retrieved 14 June 2018.
- Anderson, Jon Lee (1997). Che Guevara: a revolutionary life (1st ed.). New York: Grove Pr. ISBN0-8021-1600-0.
- Bamford, James (2002). Body of secrets anatomy of the ultra-secret National Security Agency (1st Anchor Books ed.). New York: Anchor Books. ISBN0-385-49908-6.
- "Profile: Laurent Kabila". BBC News. 17 January 2001. Retrieved 14 June 2018.
- "Che Guevara photographer dies". BBC News. May 26, 2001. Retrieved 14 June 2018.
- "Cuba pays tribute to Che Guevara". BBC News. 9 October 2007. Retrieved 14 June 2018.
- Beaubien, Jason (2009). Cuba Marks 50 Years Since 'Triumphant Revolution'. NPR: All Things Considered, Audio Report.
- Ben Bella, Ahmed (1 October 1997). "Che as I knew him." The Diplomatic World . Retrieved 14 June 2018.
- Casey, Michael (2009). Che's Afterlife: The Legacy of an Image. Vintage. ISBN978-0-307-27930-9.
- Castañeda, Jorge G. (1998). Companion: the life and death of Che Guevara (1st Vintage Books ed.). New York: Vintage Books. ISBN0-679-75940-9.
- Crompton, Samuel (2009). Che Guevara: The Making of a Revolutionary. Gareth Stevens. ISBN978-1-4339-0053-2.
- Cullather, Nicholas (2006). Secret History: The CIA's classified account of its operations in Guatemala, 1952–1954. Palo Alto, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN978-0-8047-5468-2.
- DePalma, Anthony (2006). The man who invented Fidel: Cuba, Castro, and Herbert L. Matthews of The New York Times (1st ed.). New York: Public Affairs. ISBN1-58648-332-3.
- Dorfman, Ariel (14 June 1999). Time 100: Che Guevara. Time magazine.
- Dorschner, John and Roberto Fabricio (1980). The Winds of December: The Cuban Revolution of 1958. New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegen. 0-698-10993-7.
- Dumur, Jean (interviewer) (1964). Che Guevara's interview (Video clip 9:43 with English subtitles).
- Durschmied, Erik (2002). The Blood of Revolution: From the Reign of Terror to the Rise of Khomeini. Arcade Publishing. ISBN1-55970-607-4.
- Free Society Project Inc. / Cuba Archive (30 September 2009). "
- "Documented Victims of Che Guevara in Cuba: 1957 to 1959" (PDF). [permanent dead link] (244 KB) ". Summit, New Jersey: Free Society Project.
- Gálvez, William (1999). Che in Africa: Che Guevara's Congo Diary. Melbourne: Ocean Press, 1999. 1-876175-08-7.
- Gómez Treto, Raúl (Spring 1991). "Thirty Years of Cuban Revolutionary Penal Law". Latin American Perspectives18(2), Cuban Views on the Revolution. 114–125.
- Gleijeses, Piero (1991). Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1944–1954. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN978-0-691-02556-8.
- Gott, Richard (2004). Cuba: A New History. Yale University Press. ISBN0-300-10411-1.
- Gott, Richard (11 August 2005). "Bolivia on the Day of the Death of Che Guevara". The Diplomatic World. Accessed 26 February 2006.
- Grant, Will (8 October 2007). "CIA man recounts Che Guevara's death". BBC News. Accessed 29 February 2008.
- Guevara, Ernesto "Che" (1965). "Che Guevara's Farewell Letter."
- Guevara, Ernesto "Che" (1967). "Newspaper (Bolivia)". Written 1966–1967.
- Guevara, Ernesto "Che" (editors Bonachea, Rolando E. and Nelson P. Valdés 1969). Che: Selected Works of Ernesto Guevara, Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. 0-262-52016-8
- Guevara, Ernesto (2009). Che: The Diaries of Ernesto Che Guevara. Ocean Press. ISBN978-1-920888-93-0.
- Guevara, Ernesto "Che" (1972). Passages of the revolutionary war.
- Guevara, Ernesto "Che" (translated from the Spanish by Patrick Camiller 2000). The African Dream. New York: Grove Publishers. 0-8021-3834-9.
- Guevara, Ernesto Deutschmann, David (1997). Che Guevara Reader: Writings by Ernesto Che Guevara on Guerrilla Strategy, Politics & amp Revolution. Ocean Press. ISBN1-875284-93-1.
- Guevara Lynch, Ernesto (2000). Here goes an American soldier. Barcelona: Plaza y Janés Editores, S.A. 84-01-01327-5.
- Guevara Lynch, Ernesto (2007). The Young Che: Memories of Che Guevara by His Father. Vintage Books. ISBN978-0307390448.
- Haney, Rich (2005). Celia Sánchez: The Legend of Cuba's Revolutionary Heart. New York: Algora Pub. 0-87586-395-7.
- Katrin Hansing (2002). Rasta, Race and Revolution: The Emergence and Development of the Rastafari Movement in Socialist Cuba. LIT Verlag Münster. 3-8258-9600-5.
- Hart, Joseph (2004). Che: The Life, Death, and Afterlife of a Revolutionary. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press. 1-56025-519-6.
- Immerman, Richard H. (1982). The CIA in Guatemala: The Foreign Policy of Intervention . Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. ISBN9780292710832. G
- Ireland's Own (12 August 2000). "From Cuba to Congo, Dream to Disaster for Che Guevara". Archived from the original on 9 February 2006. Retrieved 11 January 2006.
- Kellner, Douglas (1989). Ernesto "Che" Guevara (World Leaders Past & Present). Chelsea House Publishers (Library Binding edition). pp. 112. ISBN1-55546-835-7.
- Kornbluh, Peter (1997). Electronic Briefing Book No. 5. National Security Archive. Accessed March 25, 2007.
- Lacey, Mark (26 October 2007). "Lone Bidder Buys Strands of Che's Hair at U.S. Auction." The New York Times.
- Lacey, Mark (9 October 2007). "A Revolutionary Icon, and Now, a Bikini". The New York Times.
- Lavretsky, Iosif (1976). Ernesto Che Guevara. translated by A. B. Eklof. Moscow: Progress. pp. 5. ASINB000B9V7AW. OCLC22746662.
- Löwy, Michael (1973). The Marxism of Che Guevara: Philosophy, Economics, Revolutionary Warfare. Monthly Review Press. ISBN0-85345-274-1.
- Luther, Eric (2001). Che Guevara (Critical Lives). Penguin Group (USA). pp. 276. ISBN0-02-864199-X.
- McLaren, Peter (2000). Che Guevara, Paulo Freire, and the Pedagogy of Revolution. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN0-8476-9533-6.
- Mittleman, James H (1981). Underdevelopment and the Transition to Socialism - Mozambique and Tanzania. New York: Academic Press. 0-12-500660-8
- Moynihan, Michael. "Neutering Sartre at Dagens Nyheter". Stockholm Spectator. Accessed 26 February 2006.
- Che Guevara, by Frank Niess, Haus Publishers Ltd, 2007, 1-904341-99-3.
- O'Hagan, Sean (11 July 2004). "Just a pretty face?" The Guardian. Accessed October 25, 2006.
- Ramirez, Dariel Alarcón (1997). Che in Bolivia. Paris: Éditions du Rocher. ISBN2-268-02437-7.
- Ramonet, Ignacio (2007). Translated by Andrew Hurley. Fidel Castro: My Life London: Penguin Books. 978-0-14-102626-8
- Ratner, Michael (1997). Che Guevara and the FBI: The U.S. Political Police Dossier on the Latin American Revolutionary. Ocean Press. ISBN1-875284-76-1.
- Rodriguez, Felix I. and John Weisman (1989). Shadow Warrior / the CIA Hero of a Hundred Unknown Battles. New York: Simon & Schuster. 0-671-66721-1.
- Ryan, Henry Butterfield (1998). The Fall of Che Guevara: A Story of Soldiers, Spies, and Diplomats. New York: Oxford University Press. 0-19-511879-0.
- Sandison, David (1996). The Life & Times of Che Guevara. Paragon. ISBN0-7525-1776-7.
- Schipani, Andres (23 September 2007). "The Final Triumph of Saint Che." The Observer. (Reporting from La Higuera.)
- Selvage, Major Donald R. - USMC (April 1, 1985). Che Guevara in Bolivia. Globalsecurity.org. Accessed 5 January 2006.
- Sinclair, Andrew (2006) . Viva Che !: The Strange Death and Life of Che Guevara. Sutton publishing. ISBN0-7509-4310-6.
- Skidmore, Thomas E. Smith, Peter H. (2008). Modern Latin America . Oxford University Press. pp. 436. ISBN978-0-19-505533-7.
- Taibo II, Paco Ignacio (1999). Guevara, Also Known as Che. St Martin's Griffin. 2nd edition. ISBN0-312-20652-6.
- Time Magazine cover story (8 August 1960). "Castro's Brain."
- Time Magazine (12 October 1970). "What: A Myth Embalmed in a Matrix of Ignorance."
- U.S. Army (28 April 1967). Memorandum of Understanding Concerning the Activation, Organization and Training of the 2d Ranger Battalion - Bolivian Army. Accessed 19 June 2006.
- Vargas Llosa, Alvaro (11 July 2005). "The Killing Machine: Che Guevara, from Communist Firebrand to Capitalist Brand". The Independent Institute. Accessed 10 November 2006.
- "World Combined Sources" (October 2, 2004). "Che Guevara remains a hero to Cubans." People's Weekly World.
- Wright, Thomas C. (2000). Latin America in the Era of the Cuban Revolution (Revised ed.). Praeger. ISBN0-275-96706-9.
- A & ampE Biography: Che Guevara - Revolutionary Rebel
- BBC Audio Archive: Profile of Che Guevara
- BBC News - Che Guevara Images: Set 1, Set 2, Set 3
- Che Guevara Internet Archive: Speeches, Images
- Democracy Now: "Life & Legacy of Che Guevara"
- Encyclopædia Britannica: Che Guevara entry
- History A & ampE Video: Che Guevara Fast Facts
- In Defense of Marxism: 40th Anniversary Part 1 --- Part 2
- National Security Archive: The Death of Che Guevara
- NPR Audio Report: Che Guevara Still an Icon
- The New York Times Interactive Gallery: "A Revolutionary Afterlife"
- Slate Magazine: Picture Essay of Che
- Slideshow: Fidel and Che: A Revolutionary Friendship
- The Guardian: "Making of a Marxist"
160 ms 9.9% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback :: getAllExpandedArguments 120 ms 7.4% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback :: callParserFunction 80 ms 4.9% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback :: getEntityStatements 80 ms 4.9% Scribunto_LuaSandboxCallback% ms 3. GetL 3.9 ms 2.5% [others] 280 ms 17.3% Number of Wikibase entities loaded: 1/400 ->
How to make a very fluffy cake dough & # 8211 simple recipe that you can't go wrong with?
I took the eggs, milk and butter out of the fridge a few hours before they reached room temperature. The flour I use is an Italian Manitoba type (type 0) & # 8211 can be found in Selgros, Kaufland or other supermarkets (not necessarily the Il Molino brand). It is a strong flour that has a lot of protein or gluten (13 g & # 8211 see label) and is intended for pastries / bakery products with a long leavening time. Next to it you see the alternative: the Hungarian flour "Totkomlosi buza finom liszt" (ie superior wheat flour) which I have been using for 30 years with perfect results (although it has only 9.8 g of protein). It is well dried and of very good quality.
In short: a wet or weak flour (with less protein) will not absorb liquids properly, will not develop the gluten network and will not lead to the formation of an elastic and fluffy dough.
I put the flour in the robot bowl. I made a hole in which I put the dry yeast (if it is fresh it crumbles) and 60 g of milk at room temperature. I sprinkled a little of the surrounding flour and left everything still for 5-7 minutes.
Meanwhile, I put the rest of the milk (240 g) in a saucepan together with the sugar and grated lemon peel and I warmed them slightly on low heat. Then I turned off the heat and added vanilla (I had natural concentrated paste). If you have emotions about the flour you are using then put only 200 g of milk in the saucepan and keep the remaining 40 g separately (see below if you still need liquid).
I separated the yolks and waited for the sweet and fragrant milk to cool until it reached a temperature close to that of the body (36-37 C). If it's too hot it will destroy the yeast.
I poured the sweetened and flavored milk over the flour with yeast from the bowl, I also put the yolks and salt. The salt is 2% higher than the flour and will perfectly balance the sweets in the dough and filling.
Kneading cake dough
I equipped the robot with the hook for kneading the cake dough and I started it at low speed (so that the flour does not jump out of the bowl), then I increased it to medium kneading speed.
We do not use the triangular palette (leaf type) for heavy doughs because it breaks the fibers of the gluten network! So we use the hook on the right, NOT the palette on the left!
Important: In general, the maximum kneading speed is 25% of the total speed of a robot. If it has 10 steps then step 4 is the maximum for heavy dough. So the average kneading speed will be step 2 out of 10.
The first kneading of the dough for cakes
The first kneading lasted 5 minutes at medium speed. The gluten network is starting to form but is still weak. The dough is soft, creamy. If the dough looks very thick then add the remaining 40 g of milk.
Relaxation break 5 minutes.
The second kneading of the fluffy cake dough
Then I started the robot again (also at medium kneading speed) and I gradually started to incorporate the soft butter, piece by piece. I didn't put the next piece of butter until the previous one was absorbed by the dough. This kneading stage lasted 10 minutes.
Rest break 5 minutes.
Cake dough & # 8211 3rd kneading
The third turmoil lasted 5 minutes and the result was wow: an elastic cake dough that can be pulled out of the bowl into long strips that don't break (even if I put my palm under it and spread my fingers). That means working with quality flour! In total I kneaded the dough for 20 minutes + 2 breaks of 5 minutes each. So total time: 30 minutes.
A handful of fresh or dried Angelica roots are soaked in a liter of country brandy for a week. Strain, mix with half a kilogram of honey or sugar. The resulting drink is a real elixir for stomach and intestinal disorders. Stimulates appetite and digestion and acts on peristalsis. Take a glass of liqueur, after lunch or dinner, diluted in a little water or as such. It tastes like a drink called Benedictine (French liqueur Chartreuse).
- for conjunctivitis -
Take a teaspoon of the mixture: Catfish, anise seeds and chamomile flowers in equal amounts, scald with a cup of boiling water and leave to infuse for 3 minutes. Add a pinch of sea salt (found in health food stores), then strain the liquid through double gauze. While it is still warm, put it in a bowl to serve jam and take eye baths, morning and evening, for 2-3 minutes. Patients with conjunctivitis should keep their eyes away from the strong summer sun by wearing glasses.
- for lung diseases -
One kilogram of fresh Podbal flowers is mixed with half a kilogram of candel sugar or brown powdered sugar. They are placed in a hermetically sealed glass vessel and left for 2 months in a place with a constant temperature (it would be best to bury them in the ground, at a depth of 50 centimeters). When the time expires, the contents are strained through a sieve, pressing the macerated plants well. The liquid obtained is heated to 70 degrees and is still poured hot into clean bottles. Take one tablespoon, several times a day, in all lung diseases.
Honey with PODBAL
- against inflammation of the bronchi-lungs -
If you don't want to wait two months for the preparation of the Podbal syrup, you can use a quick and very effective recipe: Podbal honey.
Recipe: take a 1-liter bottle with a wide mouth and fill it to a height of 5 cm with fresh Podbal flowers. Pour enough honey to cover the flowers. The next day, a layer of 5 cm thick horseradish flowers is put in the bottle and honey is poured again to cover them. The procedure is repeated until the vessel is full. A few St. John's wort flowers, Ciuboțica-cucului and fir buds are sprinkled on top. The bottle is sealed and placed on the edge of the window, in the sun, for two weeks. When the time expires, the honey is passed through a sieve and placed in clean jars. Take with a teaspoon, several times a day.
Focaccia with tomatoes and miss summer & # 8230
The wonderful weather lately has come for me with a longing for summer. In other words, I can't wait to get out of the house and run to the market, to talk to people & # 8230 to buy fresh vegetables. It's something vivid and simple in the producer markets. Something that does not compare to the formal, sterile atmosphere of the vegetable stands in the supermarket.
Today, walking around on the phone, I came across a bunch of pictures of a focaccia I made last summer. No, she wasn't the only one with tomatoes, because when cherry tomatoes grow all over your garden, all you have to do is use them. In salads, soups, shakshouka, sauces and, very often, in focaccia.
And I think that, especially as the holidays approach, a smiling bread flavored with sliced tomatoes, extra virgin olive oil and sea salt is exactly what the doctor recommends. For our quarantined soul.
And if you want to try other equally interesting breads, HERE you can find focaccia in the pan and HERE, the simplest bread.
* 2.5 cups white flour (normal cups, water)
* 1 teaspoon grated salt
* 4 tablespoons olive oil
* 1/4 cube of fresh yeast or 1/2 sachet of dry yeast
* 1 tablespoon sugar
* about 4 cherry tomatoes (for a more interesting effect combine tomatoes of several sizes or tomatoes of various varieties and colors)
* lukewarm water as it contains
1. Activate the yeast as follows: put the yeast in a smaller cup or glass, along with a generous tablespoon of flour and sugar. Mix with lukewarm water until it turns into a soft paste. Cover the glass / cup with a saucer and place in a warm place
2. Until the yeast grows, in a large bowl mix the flour with the salt and 3 tablespoons of olive oil, and after the yeast starts to grow, add it to the flour. Mix everything
3. Fill a cup with lukewarm water and put it over the flour, mixing everything with a spoon. When the composition begins to bind, give up the spoon and knead the dough by hand, until you get a very soft crust, which sticks easily to your hand.
4. Remove the dough from the bowl, on the work table lightly powdered with flour and knead well for at least 10 minutes. If the dough is too sticky, add more flour, and if it is too hard, add a little more water.
5.After the crust is kneaded, grease it with a little olive oil and put it back in the bowl, cover it with a clean napkin and place it in a warm place for about 40 minutes.
6. When the dough doubles in volume, remove the air from it by pushing lightly, with your fist, then take it out of the bowl, shape it into a ball and then place it in an oven tray lined with baking sheet. Press the ball into the dough lightly, with your palm, to flatten it a little, cover with a clean napkin and leave to rise for 10 minutes.
7. While the dough rises, turn on the oven at 200 degrees Celsius and let it heat up, then cut the tomatoes into slices.
8. After the 10 minutes have passed and the dough has risen a little, put the kitchen towel aside and fill the dough with tomatoes, pushing them into the dough, because they will tend to fall. Push them with your finger without fear, then let the dough rise for another 10 minutes.
9.After the dough has risen, push the tomatoes into the focaccia once more, grease the entire surface with extra virgin olive oil and sprinkle with sea salt.
10. Put the focaccia in the oven at 200 degrees for about 30-35 minutes, until browned.
After you take the focaccia out of the oven, let it cool down a bit before cutting it and eat it in a maximum of one day since you prepared it (although I don't think it will last that long: D)
Cool your summer in style! 7 ice cubes to put in the cocktail
No matter how hot the air is outside, no ice cube has a long life. But this does not mean that you do not have to dress him in the most beautiful forms, whether you put him in a cocktail or in a simple lemonade.
I searched the internet and found the craziest trays for ice cubes from which to display real works of art in a glass. Your drinks will be on trend and cold as ice.
1. Ice Ice Baby
Do you know Vanilla Ice's song? The one you danced in the 8th grade at the banquet & hellip. These ice cubes seem to be detached from his song. If you can't find the tape, look for another rap on the internet, play loud music and drink an ice cocktail.
You can buy them online for $ 19.95.
2. Shark in the sea
Are you getting ready to go out to the pool or to the beach? Put a few shark cubes in the glass of juice.
You can buy them online for $ 10.
3. Straw from ice
Colored plastic straws are old-fashioned. Prepare some ice-cold drinks. Be careful to keep the drink cold, otherwise your straw will melt.
4. Frozen glasses
Why bother to put ice cubes in the drink when you can drink it from a cold glass. We offer you these small glasses from which to turn a tequila or a whiskey. You don't have to worry about them breaking. You can always line up.
5. Diamonds, girls' best friends
If you are a fashionista, then the drink can't be different for you. And if you go for diamonds then you can make some in the freezer.
It only costs you $ 10 a set of six and you can buy them online.
6. Titanic in the glass
In your tonic gin glass you can have the iceberg and the Titanic at the same time. If you don't arouse smiles among the guests, Gin and Titonic will provide you with a cold drink.
7. Put the correct label on the cocktail
For a complete drink you need an umbrella and this mixing stick that has the name of the drink frozen on it.
Pressing the button below represents your agreement to the TERMS AND CONDITIONS of the COMMENTING PLATFORM.
8 lemonade recipes to try this summer
Lemonade & # 8230 the most delicious way to cool off in the summer! When temperatures rise to too high a threshold and your body can no longer cope with the hot atmosphere outside, your taste buds beg for a fresh, cold and invigorating drink. Lemonade is the star of the summer season and is worth serving not only when you go out with friends in the city, but also at home.
You wonder how to make a lemonade? In this article, we have gathered for you the best lemonade recipes you have to try this summer! Detach yourself from the idea of the classic lemonade with water, sugar, lemon and mint. The mixes we are going to present to you consist of lemonade recipes from fresh fruit, which you should enjoy differently this season.
How to make lemonade:
Homemade lemonade it can be prepared in several ways, and we suggest 3 of them:
a.) Lemon juice. In a large bowl, place a few glasses of water at room temperature and add the sugar to melt. In cold water or at room temperature, the sugar will melt harder than in hot water, so you will need to stir a little more or wait a few minutes until the sugar crystals dissolve. Separately, in another bowl, squeeze the juice from several lemons, which you will then add to the bowl with water and melted sugar. Mix well and put the drink in the fridge, cool, or pour into a glass and add 2-3 ice cubes to cool faster.
b.) Lemon slices. In a special glass of lemonade, put the water at room temperature and melt the sugar, as in the previous step. Then cut a few slices of lemon and add to the glass. Wait a few minutes for the lemon juice to penetrate the water and the sugar to melt. Keep the lemonade in the fridge or add a few ice cubes directly to cool the drink faster.
c.) Lemon pulp. If you want to serve a thicker lemonade, you can also use lemon pulp, not just its juice. Thus, in a large bowl, add the peeled lemon slices and grind them with a vertical mixer, until you get a homogeneous mixture. Add water at room temperature in a smaller amount than in the previous steps, so that the lemonade comes out dense at the end. Add the sugar to taste and mix well for a few minutes to melt. Then put the lemonade in glasses and either keep it in the fridge or cool it faster with a few ice cubes.
Now that I know how to prepare lemonade for home, we can explore the fruit options and combinations between them, which can result in lemonade recipes refreshing and only good to try every week.
1. Lemonade recipe with oranges and lemon. Give a new and different twist to the old recipe for homemade lemonade by adding orange juice or slices. In a large skillet, combine the sugar with 2 cups of water and simmer until the sugar dissolves. Allow the mixture to cool gradually, then add the juices from the oranges and lemons. Cover the mixture and let it cool for 1 hour. Drain the syrup, put it in the covered refrigerator until it cools.When serving, put an equal amount of water and fruit syrup in a glass, add a few ice cubes and bon appetit!
2. Lemonade recipe with rosemary. In a large skillet, bring 2 cups of water to a boil. Add the rosemary sprigs and simmer for 10 minutes. Then remove and discard the rosemary sprigs. Add sugar and honey, then stir until ingredients melt. Transfer the mixture to a container and refrigerate for 15 minutes. After a quarter of an hour, add the lemon juice, cold water and a few ice cubes.
3. Lemonade recipe with raspberries and blueberries. This one lemonade recipe must be prepared the day before serving. In a blender, add lemon juice, blueberries, raspberries and sugar and mix the ingredients together. Drain the mixture and discard the seeds. Transfer the mixture to a container and then put it in the freezer for 1-2 hours. Add water. Leave to freeze again for 8 hours or overnight. Before serving, take the drink out of the freezer and leave it at room temperature for 45 minutes.
4. Ice tea lemonade recipe. Heat 2-3 cups of water, depending on the amount you want to prepare. After you take the water off the heat, put 3-4 sachets of your favorite tea and let it brew for 5 minutes. Then add the sugar and lemon juice. Transfer the mixture to a bowl and refrigerate to cool. Decorate with lemon slices and serve the drink with ice.
5. Kiwi lemonade recipe. Cut 2 kiwi fruit into small slices. Put them in an ice cube tray, add water and put them in the freezer. Separately, cut another 2 wiki fruits into larger slices. Put them in a blender and mix them until you get a homogeneous, fine mixture. Drain the juice and get rid of the pulp. In a bowl, mix the sugar with the lemon juice until dissolved. Add the kiwi mixture and stir. Then keep the mixture in the fridge until it cools down. Before serving, add mineral water and frozen kiwi cubes. You will get a delicious and sparkling lemonade.
6. A strawberry smoothie. In a blender, add the lemon juice, sugar and strawberries. Mix until you get a homogeneous and fine mixture. Serve immediately, and if you want, you can add 2-3 ice cubes for a refreshing sensation.
7. Lemonade recipe with peaches. In a frying pan, boil 4 cups of water. Take the pan off the stove, add the sachets of your favorite tea and let it brew for 5 minutes. Remove the tea bags, add the sugar and stir until it dissolves. Allow the mixture to cool gradually, then transfer it to a different container and allow it to cool completely. Add the lemon juice and peach nectar to the tea, then add cold water and stir. Serve the drink with ice and mint.
8. Pomegranate lemonade recipe. In a blender, add sugar, pomegranate, lemon juice and water, and mix until smooth. It is served in a large glass, and for decoration, you can opt for additional lemon slices.
Summer Cube - Recipes
Is it very hot, you need to hydrate, and the water has become boring? Because commercial juices are not the best choice, here are 3 healthy, refreshing and quick options for homemade drinks:
Ingredients for 4 servings
Ingredients for 3 servings
Cool summer cocktail (alcohol free)
Japan exports the strangest summer fruit. It's spectacular, but inedible
Enjoy the summer (in any season) with a portion of risotto with tomatoes and prosecco
Mix water with honey or maple syrup, a few mint leaves and half a sliced lemon. Let it cool for 10-15 minutes. Squeeze the lemons and then incorporate the juice into the prepared water, mixing well. Pour into glasses and serve.
Put the watermelon cubes in a blender and mix until smooth. Pour into glasses over 1 ice cube and fresh mint leaves. Add a little water if you find it too creamy.
Put the fruit in a blender with the juice of lemon, honey / maple or dates and a cup of water. Mix until smooth. Strain through a large sieve and then add the rest of the water and mix well. If the fruit is not frozen, serve in a glass over 1-2 ice cubes.
Useful advice: To save even more time, freeze lemon, berry or melon juice in ice cubes. When you want to consume something flavorful, add 2-3 cubes in plain water.
Watermelon is a summer delight. Not the one most recently exported by the Japanese around the world. Cube-shaped melons are good-looking, costing as much as 30 beautiful melons from us, but they are not good to eat.
In July, several provinces in Japan began exporting cube-shaped melons to all stores in the country, but also to Moscow, Canada or other parts of the world.
Such good-looking melons were originally created to be easier to transport and store in store refrigerators, but their spectacular appearance comes with a price. Made to grow under a glass and metal box, the cube-shaped melons never get ripe when they reach the perfect shape.
A medium-sized watermelon weighs almost 6 kg and sells for between $ 100 and $ 300 a piece in gourmet stores in Tokyo or other Japanese cities. Last year, these spectacular fruits were also appreciated by Russians who paid $ 860 for them in stores in Moscow.
This year the orders from all over the world amount to 400 pieces, which will be produced by 6 skilled farmers. They say that behind such a strange shape is a titanic work, because the cube melons must be checked daily and monitored during the growing season. Any extra day over harvest can ruin the whole look because the watermelon cracks.
Why would anyone pay so much for a watermelon that they can't taste? In Japan, tradition says that fruits offered as gifts are considered luxury products. This is a common gesture especially in summer and winter. Melons are often given as a gift to hosts when they visit to use them as a decoration in the home.
After walking barefoot and with his hair in the wind on our lands, the Sun shows signs of wanting to go to the Warm Countries. Every day we wake up with the hope that he will linger a little longer. But he is becoming harder and harder to find.
We look for it in the empty nests of migratory birds & # 8230. In the green leaves of parks and gardens, but & # 8230 we all know that trees and bushes will soon shed their summer clothes for thicker & warmer clothes.
We could try to put him in a cage, to stay & # 8230Because the winter is so long and dark & # 8230But no matter how hard we try, we won't be able to stop him from his path and the seasons & # 8230
There is something we can do, though. Let's enjoy at home, with the Sun in our souls, the sweet, good and sunny taste of summer. Preparing a wonderful risotto from the tomatoes in the warm season.
One in which to add a glass of prosecco. Not for another, but to have something to drown our bitterness with.
Risotto with tomatoes and prosecco
Ingredients for 2 people:
* 2 tablespoons olive oil
* 1 cup of rice for risotto (round grain rice is best because it has a lot of starch and becomes creamy)
* about 1.5 liters of hot water
* 1/2 cup grated Parmesan cheese on a small grater
* about 100 ml of proseco
1. In a saucepan, dissolve the cube of soup in the 1.5 liters of hot water and keep the container next to you, on the stove.
2. Finely chop the onion and garlic and crush the tomato with a blender. If you don't have a blender, cut the tomato in half and put it on the large grater
3. In a wok-type pan or pan (it would be best to be non-stick), over low heat, put the olive oil and, after it has warmed up a little, add the onion and garlic. Allow to soften, stirring, for about half a minute.
4. When the onion and garlic have softened, add the rice and mix everything. Immediately add the glass of prosecco: D. Stir until the rice absorbs the liquid.
5. Now comes the part that requires patience, because the risotto is prepared over low heat, stirring often for the rice to release its starch, adding a generous polish of the resulting soup.
6.So, keeping the heat low and stirring as often as possible, add the crushed tomatoes, then let them absorb
7.After the rice has absorbed all the liquid, add another polish (or two) of the soup, mix, cover, and so on, until the rice is cooked. All the fun lasts about 30 minutes, more or less, depending on how much rice you cooked.
8. When the rice has boiled, add the grated Parmesan and butter, mix, taste, and season with salt and pepper. If you happen to run out of soup before the rice is completely cooked, you can continue the "operation" without problems, with hot water.
9. You can eat the risotto with tomatoes like this, simply, with a little grated Parmesan cheese in each plate, or you can add some strips of chicken breast prepared in about 2 tablespoons of olive oil.